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(Lambeth Ms.) 




Printed for the GORGES SOCIETY, Portland, Maine. 



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Two Hundred Copies. 

No. 6%e&+ufoj£rw£^t\ 

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History is the memory of time, the life of the dead, the happiness of the 

Capt. John Smith. 


Copykight 1892. by Gorges Society 


From the Pre93 of 

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C N T E N T S . 

I. Preface, 

II. Introduction, 

III. The Ms. "The Relation," 

IV. The Literature, - 

V. Appendix, 

i. Voyage of Challons, 

2. Location of Colony, 

3. The Virginia, 

4. Movements of Ships, 

5. Colonists sent Back, 

6. Relations with the Indians, 

7. Character of Colonists, 

8. Surrender and Return, - 

9. Sagadahoc Re-occupied, - 

10. Did the Colony Continue, 

11. The Popham Family, 
List Members Gorges Society, 










8 7 - 







-187 | 



-191 | 







-2 1 I 


-2 14 









The Gorges Society. 



I ■ 


i. Chief Justice Popham, 




The Gorges Sketches, 24 

Monhegan Island, 


Map of Sagadahoc, 86-7 

Fac Simile of Pres. Popham's Letter, 


Point Popham, 167 

Map of Point Popham, - 
Plan of Fort St. George, 


" 244 


Studies in the history of the Sagadahoc region 
during my residence for a score of years by that ancient 
river necessarily included notice of the Pophatrr colony. 
New motives prevailed to lead me on to special and ex- 
tended research, of which this work is the result, — an 
endeavor to gather all attainable materials which can 
cast light upon that undertaking. 

Former knowledge of the colony was very slight. 
Additions within the past half century have been gratify- 
ing, but still leave much to be desired. Valuable in- 
formation has been derived from a journal of the colony 
unknown till recent years. Attention was called to its 
discovery by Rev. B. F. DaCosta in 1875-6, and its 
contents were first made known to the public in the 
Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society for 

It exists in manuscript in the library of the Lambeth 


viii _ PREFACE. 

Palace, London. This palace, of great antiquity, located 
in a beautiful suburb on the south bank of the Thames, 
has been for nearly seven centuries the official residence 
of the Archbishop of Canterbury. Its library, begun 
about 1600, comprises 30,000 volumes, and has also 
some 1,200 volumes of miscellaneous manuscripts. 

Long held in such a place of deposit, this Ms., No, 806, 
proves its high value as the original and authentic record 
of the opening stage of the Popham enterprise. It neces- 
sarily holds a chief place in the study of that historic 
event. As a further contribution to our Maine history, 
its publication, together with associated and elucidating 
facts, was determined upon by the Gorges Society. An 
exact transcription, made at the instance of James P. 
Baxter, Esq., in his visit to England, was used as the 
basis of this study, and is here reproduced in type in 
the precise orthography and abridged forms of the orig- 
inal. The earlier movements of colonization, preced- 
ing and preparatory for this attempt, of which a cursory 
view seemed needful, are comprised in the Introduction. 
Several matters suitable for a place among the explan- 
atory notes, or incidental to the main topic but requir- 
ing extended treatment, are gathered into an Appendix. 

While the press-work was going forward, Mr. Alex'r 
Brown's " Genesis of the U. S." appeared and furnished 

a unique 


a unique document, pertinent and indeed invaluable to 
this study — a plan of Fort St. George. An examination 
/ of it in advance had been kindly allowed me, Its testi- 

mony was decisive, certifying fully conclusions already 
reached in respect to locality, but greatly enlarging our 
i ; knowledge of the subject. 

The plan, and evidence derived from it, came under 
/ the review of the Maine Historical Society, upon its 

( annual field-day, September 3 and 4, 1891. The con- 

| elusions on the main point of locality, which are herein 

I presented, received ample, and to me gratifying approval. 

The plan of the fort and surroundings, so valuable 
as evidence and illustration, could not be spared from 
this work, and a copy was obtained. Grateful acknowl- 
edgments are due for services in the matter to our 
minister in Spain, Gen. E. Burd Grubb, and also to 
Senor Claudio Perez y Gredilla, the Spanish official in 

The copy obtained was finely executed and exactly 
represents in size and appearance the original preserved 
at Simancas. The heliotype reproduction was all that 
could be desired. 

To adjust these outlines of fort and surroundings to 
the existing topography, a survey was made and the ac- 
companying plan drawn of Point Popham in its pres- 


ent state. The position of the Point, and the penin- 
sula of Sabino, are likewise exhibited by the map repro- 
duced from a coast survey chart, of a section of the 
land and water areas about the mouth of the river. 

The photographic view of Point Popham was taken 
from the nearest accessible station in the bay, — a rem- 
nant of a former steamboat pier. The view from the 
pier looks towards the southwest. 

Generous aid has been accorded me, for which I 
make Grateful acknowledgments. 

I am much indebted to Pres. J. P. Baxter, of the 
Maine Historical Society, for cheerful assistance ren- 
dered in examining obscure or difficult matters under 
consideration and for the favor of portions of his 
manuscript and advance sheets of his "Sir F. Gorges 
and his Province of Maine." Mr. H. W. Bryant, libra- 
rian of that societv, has dilicrentlv served me in furnish- 
ins* books and in manv ways, and has kindlv exercised 
supervision over illustrations and the practical details 
of bringing out the work, and to him many acknowledg- 
ments are due. Rev. H. S. Burrage, D. D., has likewise 
been a read}' coadjutor and counsellor. Dr. Chas. E. 
Banks offered without stint from his stores of collected 
materials, and gave valued suggestions. The librarian 
of Bowdoin College, Prof. G. T. Little, has heartily aided 



. . M .. W. 1I.*., ■ - L f.. * p...,-,,,..!, . ,!, ■ . . »■ . <! M 



me by examining books, and by a watchful outlook for 
materials helpful to my purpose. Rev. M. C. O'Brien 
forwarded useful information. Also I am specially in- 
debted to Miss F. Hopper, Brixton, London, for patient 
and srenerous services in research for facts re^ardin^ 
the Popham family. I am under obligation for the 
considerate favor of Houghton, Mifflin & Co., publishers 
of the " Genesis of U. States," for very seasonable and 
helpful advance examination of their copy of the plan 
of Popham's Fort. Also I appreciate the favor of Jas. 
P. Baxter, Esq., of Dr. J. F. Pratt, of the Popham 
Family, at Littlecote, Eng., in furnishing illustrations. 
Thanks are due to Mr. J. H. Stacy and Mr. N. Perkins, 
of Popham Beach, for services and favors, when I was 
studying the locality. 

Circumstances, already indicated in part, have de- 
layed the issue far beyond original purpose, but the 
invaluable materials thereby gained have more than 

It is not unreasonable to hope that other facts may 
yet be brought to light, respecting the colony, which 
will extend our knowledge or relieve existing obscuri- 


Limington, Me., January, 1892. 






EPEATED and costly endeavor gave Euro- 
pean nations the possession of the discovered 
New World. In the process immense treasure 
was dissipated ; human life squandered. Most startling 
is the record of shipwreck in voyages for exploration and 
early settlement. The hazards of those untried seas were 
proved at excessive cost. The means, wealth and zeal 
contributed to make seizure of that unexplored domain 
were swallowed up, or beaten in pieces on inhospitable 
shores. Tropical diseases fatally smote multitudes; en- 
raged natives cut off thousands, and harrassed or swept 
away infant settlements. Even Europeans themselves, 
rival and hostile, added to the wreck of beginnings and 
the loss of human life. 

Disaster and failure have startling prominence along 
the lines of colonization. Yet success, oft delayed, 



beaten back, at length gained the field. The first colony 
of Columbus was crushed within a year. The second, 
reduced, mutinous, its location changed, scarcely sur- 
vived. His third, attempted in 1501 on the Carribean 
coast, was quickly expelled. Spain secured dominion 
in the New World by invasion and bloody conquests, 
and has left a revolting record of inhumanity, shaming 
greed, and atrocity. The Spaniard subjected the An- 
tilles and overran tropical America by the terror of his 
weapons, against which the native races made imbecile 
resistance. Before his rapacity and cruelty the con- 
quered peoples withered away, but excessive and sore 
were his own losses in securing that rich domain. At 
Panama, in twenty-eight years after the conquest of Peru, 
forty thousand men died of various distempers. 1 The 
scheme to occupy the Carribean coast in 15 10, under 
grants to Ojeda and Nicuessa signally failed. Hostility 
of an assailed people, a noxious climate, a series of ca- 
lamities, shattered these colonies, and of a thousand 
men, considerably reinforced, the greater part perished 
within a year, and only fragments finally gained precari- 
ous foothold at Panama. A decade later the humane 
Las Casas laid benevolent plans for civilizing coloniza- 
tion in Cumana, weakened and frustrated at the outset. 

A mere 

1. Harris' Voyages, Vol. 2, p. 141. 



A mere handful went with him, and soon these were 
withdrawn. Ponce de Leon, in 1521, sailed to possess 
and to colonize the Florida of his discovery, but met a 
savage and deadly repulse, from which but a portion of 
his men regained their ships. Himself received a wound 
which sent him to Cuba to die. Then Narvaez and his 
confident followers, in 1528, seeking in the same "land 
of flowers " the prizes of conquest to insure early pos- 
session for Spain, pushed fearlessly into the interior, 
w T here hardship, want, arrows from the flanking enemy, 
wreck of boats, and unknown disasters, made them all 
victims, save four who gained the Pacific coast. For 
similar purpose, but in the name of religion not of war, 
Dominican monks went thither in 1549; fear and sus- 
picion held them enemies ; three became martyrs to their 
high aim ; the disaster terminated the attempt, for " death 
seemed to guard the approaches to the land." 2 

France had explored the northern coasts, and in a 
domain without bounds had by a name created a New 
France. But first essays at occupation were futile and 
disastrous. Cartier and Roberval, giving reality to the 
nation's dreams of empire on the St. Lawrence, in 1541, 
set down 200 colonists at Hochelaga, but divided leader- 
ship, the inroads of death, wrecked the hopeful scheme. 


2. History of U. S., by George Bancroft, Centenary Ed., Vol. 1, p. 52. 


The remnants of the broken colony soon stole back to 
France. Discomfiture fell harshly on Coligny's plans for 
Huguenot colonization in America. That at Rio 
Janeiro proved abortive by the faithlessness of Ville- 
gagnon. That under Ribault at Port Royal of the Caro- 
linas, 1562, unsupported by reinforcements, weakened 
by dissensions, lacking vigorous purpose, in a year de- 
serted the post given it to hold for France. Two years 
later, the colony led out by Laudonniere to Florida 
escaped wreck threatened by turbulent, dissolute, selfish 
elements within it, to be utterly crushed, under fierce 
and infamous blows, as Spain sent Melendez to assert 
her claim and manifest her hate for heretics. But a 
remorseless avenger quickly came in the Gascon De 
Gourges, who seized and hung "as robbers and murder- 
ers," the Spaniards who had occupied the place of the 
Huguenot victims. 3 When again, thirty years later, 
Catholic France renewed the attempt, forty colonists 
drawn from prisons, and assigned to the isle of Sable 
by De la Roche, made suspicious materials for founding 
a state. After a half dozen years one-third still alive 
restored to France, may have merited the pardon they 

England busied her explorers and seamen with the 
problem of the north-west passage, the extension of com- 

3. History of U. S., by George Bancroft, Centenary Ed., Vol. 1, pp. 53-61. 



merce, the search for precious metals, but tardily essayed 
occupation of the domain Cabot had discovered. Yet, 
while the French were engaged with the St. Lawrence, 
Mr. Hore of London, projected a settlement at Penguin, 
island of Newfoundland, in 1536. 4 But this colony was 
driven by its necessities and distress to cannibalism, and 
was justified in seizing a French ship with which to 

Frobisher's voyage of 1578 aimed at a settlement. 
Disaster by icebergs, perils in unknown seas, desertion, 
loss of provisions, flagging zeal, turned the expedition 
homewards, gaining only cargoes of glittering, worthless 
earth. In the same year Humphrey Gilbert, under royal 
patent, projected a foreign plantation. Early dissensions 
rent the collected company of adventurers ; a portion led 
by Walter Raleigh, undertaking the voyage, were driven 
back by added misfortune ; the enterprise came to naught. 
Four years later Gilbert renewed his endeavor and sailed 
with a squadron to make precise exploration and lay 
foundations for colonies. But unrelenting disaster fol- 
lowed closely, and finally struck down both him and his 
enterprise. One ship at the outset turned back ; one was 
abandoned at Newfoundland ; a third, the largest remain- 
ing and Admiral of the fleet, suffered miserable, needless 


4. Harris' Voyages, V. 2, p. 192. 


wreck on the coast of Cape Breton ; on the return 
voyage, in a fierce tempest and amid " outragious seas," 
the little craft of ten tons, in which Gilbert persisted in 
sailing:, went down, nearly in the longitude of the Azores : 
a single vessel gained Falmouth harbor to give disheart- 
ening report of ships, means, lives, made an empty sac- 
rifice. 5 The disaster is the more deplored, since Gilbert 
intended a precise description of the region to be visited, 
so there is lost to us valuable information of the existing 
condition in 1583 on the coast of Maine, towards which 
he sailed, but approached no nearer than the place of 
the wreck. 

Raleigh, undaunted pushed similar designs: in 
15S5 sent 100 men in charge of Grenville to Carolina, 
who held Roanoke Island for a year. Then these, 
weak in purpose and despondent, esteemed the sup- 
plies and encouragement of the sea-rover Drake of 
far less worth than permission to embark with him for 
England. Grenville reappeared in a few weeks only 
to find Roanoke deserted. Fifty men were left to hold 
possession, but at a year's end the speechless ruins 
could not tell their fate. Again in 15S7, Raleigh re- 
newed the experiment ; a colony of men and women 
reoccupied Roanoke and laid the foundations of the city 


5. Hakluyfs Voyages, Ed. 1589, pp. 691-3. 

■ . 


of Raleigh. But opening events threatened misfortune ; 
delayed supplies involved dire disaster; the colony dis- 
appeared without record to show the agonizing process 
of the ruin and dispersion. 

Throughout a century from the discovery of the 
continent, misadventure and calamity attended every 
endeavor to establish settlements. Spain indeed had 
costly success; France and England failed repeatedly, 
and with burdening loss and prostrated hopes, to which 
only a few indomitable spirits were superior. The six- 
teenth century closed without a hamlet on the "whole 
coast north of St. Augustine, a witness to permanent 
homes of Europeans. 6 These abortive attempts were 
not however wholly wasted force. They were processes 
of education and preparation. As the new century 
opened, added and in some respects nobler motives were 
operative to induce seizure of the inviting domain 
beyond the sea. The purpose of colonization still lived, 
was intensified. Raleisrh had given an invaluable ex- 
ample of courage and enterprise. It was potent to 
inspire others, though himself in prison awaited death. 
Sir Ferdinando Gorges, coming to the front in generous 
and zealous leadership, efficiently used his fortune and 
influence. Again adventurers went out, — Gosnold and 


0. Folsom's Discourse ; Coll. Me. Hist. Soc, Vol. 2. 



his company in 1602 to the shores of Cape Cod. But 
when their ship essayed to spread her sails for the 
return voyage, unmanly fears stole away their hearts; 
they abandoned the beginnings of a settlement, and 
another failure extended the lamentable series. But 
failure was not defeat ; other tentative voyages followed. 
In the next year Martin Pring came to the coast of 
Maine and gained valuable information. Next, in 1605, 
occurred the voyage of Geo. Waymouth, of uncertain 
destination and purpose, but turned by refractory com- 
pelling winds towards the north and furnishing-stimulus 
to immediate colonization. 

The narrative of this voyage has excercised the crit- 
ical sagacity of the ablest, and evoked diverse opinions, 
and much controversy in the endeavor to identify the 
bepraised river. Complete unanimity is not yet reached, 
but the final result is foreshadowed by the fact that the 
trend of opinion for years has been manifestly towards 
the St. George river, and leading the way by reversal of 
previous views after mature study, are such accrediting 
examples as Hon. \Vm. Willis, profoundly versed in 
Maine history, and Hon. George Bancroft, whose rich 
harvests of a lifetime of historical study honor him and 
his country. 7 Nor 

7. Rosier's "True Relation" of 
this voyage, with associated evidence, 
facts, and literature, has been admir- 

ably elucidated by Rev. II. S. Burrau r e 
in a recent volume published by the 
Gorges Society. 


Nor should we fail to notice the attempts of French- 
men, in earnest rivalry, beginning eagerly the contest 
with the British crown for the occupation of New Eng- 
land and Nova Scotia. Merchant adventurers had 
sought fortunes on the St. Lawrence, but Chauvin died 
"after wasting the lives of a score of men in a second and 
a third attempt to establish the fur trade at Tadousac." s 

Then De Monts with his associates, pursuing schemes 
of gain in Acadia, led out the advance guard of a colony 
into Acadia, which occupied St. Croix and Port Royal 
in 1604. First of Europeans, they had essayed to found 
an agricultural colony in the New World ; but built on a 
false basis, sustained only by the fleeting favor of a 
government, the generous enterprise had come to 
naught. 9 The order for the abandonment of Port Royal 
was carried into effect in the very month when the ships 
of Popham and Gilbert were approaching the coast of 
Maine. A slight change of movement, and the dispirited 
and retreating colonists would have met upon the sea 
the rival colony, which in a year would retire as humil- 
iated as themselves. Thus France added another fail- 
ure to the lamentable series. 

The foregoing cursory glance comes down to the 


s - Parkman's Pioneers of New 
France, p. 218. 

9. Parkman's Pioneers of New 
France, pp. 217-9. 




events immediately connected with the project of col- 
onization to be detailed in this work. 

One result of those latest voyages was manifest in 
the greatly quickened enthusiasm for foreign plantations 
and the enlistment of zealous supporters. 

The favor and patronage of King James I. were so 
far won that by the royal signature he certified the noted 
charter of April 10, 1606, for two colonies in America. 
In December, Newport's fleet, carrying the southern 
colony, sailed for the Chesapeake and the settlement of 
Jamestown was begun, and was maintained. Equal 
success did not attend the northern colony. The story 
of this enterprise, as we now engage with it, goes for- 
ward hopefully, in the wise purposes of the patrons, the 
efficiency of the leaders, the promising inauguration, to 
end so soon in dispiriting and mocking failure. 

Sagacious counselors determined that accurate ex- 
ploration must precede the colony. In four months 
from the date of the great charter, the affairs of the 
northern company were so far adjusted that two ships 
were despatched to open the way. 

Under the patronage of Gorges, the ship Richard, of 
fifty-five tons, in command of " Mr. Henry Challons, 
gent, " sailed from Plymouth August 12th. 10 The sea- 

10. Purchas, his Pilgrimes, Vol. 4, p. 1832. 




man, Nicholas Hine, was master, and John Stoneman, 
pilot. Opposing winds, seconding their violation of 
orders, drove them far south, consumed much time, so 
that it was November before they regained Latitude 27°, 
when a storm again sent them astray to be captured on 
the nth by a Spanish fleet, completing the disaster. 
In Spain they were ill-treated and imprisoned. Stone- 
man was questioned closely respecting the Virginia coast 
and offered large wages to draw maps. His sturdy 
loyal refusal remanded him to prison, and when later 
enlarged on parole, he learned he was in danger of the 
rack to extort the desired information, he made escape, 
and by the way of Lisbon reached Cornwall November 
24, 1607, sixteen months after embarkation at Plymouth. 
Captain Challons was restored in the following May. 

The overturn of this projected voyage was a vexatious 
disturbance of plans. Yet another vessel, at the charge 
of Sir John Popham, had been sent out at about the same 
time to act in concert with Challons. Captain Tho's 
Hanham, 11 one of the Plymouth council, seems to have 
been chief in command, with Captain Pring as associate. 
Reaching the Maine coast, but deprived of Challons' 
assistance through the ill fortune of that voyage, they 


11. Penelope, a daughter of Chief 
Justice Popham, married one Thomas 
Hanham. He is inferred to be the 

person directing this voyage in behalf 
of his father-in-law. 




performed alone the assigned task and gained very pre- 
cise and full information, such that Gorges regarded it 
the most exact discovery of that coast that ever came to 
his hands. Purchas mentions a narrative of a voyage 
of Captain Tho's Hanham unto Sagadahoc, written by 
himself, which undoubtedly was the detailed account of 
this very voyage. Students of Maine history could well 
have spared folios of Purchas' work if this might have 
been substituted. 

Captains Hanham and 4 Pring, extending the discov- 
eries made in the previous year by Waymouth, must be 
regarded as the first known Englishmen to explore the 
Sagadahoc. Champlain, in the service of France, had 
indeed anticipated them by little more than a year. 
There can be no doubt that the results of their examina- 
tion determined the location of the proposed colony at 
this river, which was in full intent the destination of the 
expedition when it sailed. The " Relation," now to be 
examined, furnishes the clearest implication of the fact. 
It must be doubted if Challons or Pring carried men to 
leave as an advance guard of the proposed colony. 12 


12. Bancroft has written, " to be- 
gin a plantation " ; but the choice of 
the site would answer the statement. 
Gorges does not at all favor such an 
idea, but Strachey writes, "with many 

planters," and is probably in error, for 
he writes it of Challons' ship, whose 
company certainly numbered but 
twenty-nine, the same Waymouth 
had in his voyage of discovery. 



The information derived from the voyage of Hanham 
greatly inspirited the chief patrons of the undertaking, 
and Gorges writes, •' we set up our resolutions to follow 
it with effect." Accordingly preparations were urgently 
carried forward, and at the end of May, 1607, the expe- 
dition was in readiness which was to plant the northern 

Of the preliminary stage — the outfit of the expedi- 
tion, — nothing is known. Whence, or by what methods 
colonists were obtained, by whom or in what proportions 
the means were furnished, must be left to conjecture or 
inference. Manifestly Sir Ferdinando Gorges and the 
Popham and Gilbert families were foremost as responsi- 
ble and active patrons. Gorges writes that " three sails 
of ships " were despatched. His memory is not accurate, 
for certainly but two made the voyage. A third may 
have been proposed, but not employed. The expedition 
was made ready in the harbor of Plymouth, where Gorges 
held the military command. The precise number of 
the company is not shown. Gorges says, " one hundred 
landmen," in which number he may not include " divers 
gentlemen of note/' Strachey writes " one hundred and 
twenty for planters," which may represent all intended 
to stay in the colony. The seamen manning the ships 



were probably not included in the number. Of the size 
of the vessels no definite facts appear. 13 

One of them by this account is named the "Gift," 
but Strachey shows that in full it was the " Gift of God." 
He also terms it a " fly-boat." This form of craft was 
large, flat bottomed, of light draught. The expedition 
of Waymouth in 1602, to the northwest, was made in 
two fly-boats. 14 Nothing indicates the size of the Mary 
and John. A vessel, bearing this name, of 400 tons, 
Captain Squeb, master, arrived at Nantasket in 1630. 15 
The identity of name will not determine jt the same 
vessel. George Popham and Raleigh Gilbert, the two 
leading personages in the expedition and highest in 
authority in the colony, are mentioned as the respective 
commanders of the Gift, and the Mary and John. But 
it is not assured that they were trained, practical sea- 
men : l6 rather did they exercise a general authority, while 
subordinate officers had in charge the details of navicra- 
tion. 17 Strachey's 

13. Hon. William Willis (Popham 
Mem. Vol., p. 40,) has said, "sixty 
and forty tons." I have failed to find 
in original sources any authority for 
the statement. 

14. Purchas, his Pilgrimes, Vol. 5, 
p. 812. 

15. Mem. Hist. Boston, Vol. 5, p. 

10. Mr. Willis also says (Popham 
Mem. Vol., p. 48), " as able and gal- 
lant commanders as ever walked a 
quarter deck." 

17. The Mary and John had a 
master, evidently not Gilbert, and 
mates, while another officer, who re- 
proves them, must have been the 

424. l responsible pilot. Likewise in the 


Strachey's narrative, which has been before the pub- 
lic for forty years, was faultily misleading and written 
in seeming to relate the joint voyage of both ships. 
The journal, however, discloses their separation at the 
Azores, its cause, their meeting again near Monhe- 
gan, and that all those details of the voyage from Sable 
bank to the Matinicus islands pertained simply to the 
Mary and John. Strachey intentionally omitted every 
fact bearing upon this separation. Of the wide ocean 
passage of the Gift, nothing whatever is known. 

The narration begins the voyage at the Lizard, and 
has no mention of the port of embarkation. But Stra- 
chey, Smith and Gorges give Plymouth. The latter is 
precise in the date, " one and thirtieth day of May, 1607." 
Smith writes "the last of May," but Strachey is not ex- 
act, and errs, saying " in June." Twenty-four hours' sail 
brought them to the offing of the Lizard, where they 
took their departure from land. From this point the 
MS. details the events of the voyage, the arrival and 
debarkation at Sagadahoc, and the opening stage of the 
colony. The 

voyage of. Challons, he is styled Pilgrimes, Vol. 4, p. 18o2.) In the 

" Gentleman," though also represent- other vessel doubtless Hanhatn was 

ed as captain of the ship. But we the superior in command, or super- 

know that Hine (Haines, writes Stra- 
chey) was master, and there was 
another master, St. John, as well as 
Stoneraan, the pilot. (Purchas, his 

intending patron, although perhaps 
not a seaman, while Capt. Fring was 
master and responsible navigator. 


The narrative bears close relations to the chapters of 
Strachey's history, which detail the Popham enterprise. 
It cannot be doubted that he had access to it, and drew 
largely from it. Many sentences are transferred com- 
plete, others with slight changes ; portions are abridged 
and others wholly omitted, but the agreement is so clear 
that the two cannot be independent narrations. Stra- 
chey, however, must have had other sources of informa- 
tion — memoranda or log-books of the voyage. He adds 
distances sailed, notes position of the ship, variation of 
compass and additional soundings. He wholly omits 
the causes of the separation, and seems to show that the 
two vessels kept company throughout the voyage, yet 
introduces no events which must have pertained specially 
to the Gift, nor indicates her course, whether she sighted 
Nova Scotia at all, or by a southerly course directly 
made Monhegan ; hence he cannot have taken anything 
from her log-book. 

The apparent abrupt closing of the journal warrants 
the opinion that a portion has been lost, and we may 
presume that the continuation by Strachey was likewise 
drawn from that part now missing. If this be true, the 
fact would show that the writer carried his journal only 
to October 6th. This is the probable date of the sail- 
ing of the Mary and John for England, by which the 



journal was despatched to the patrons. The remainder 
is Strachey's general summary of events after that date 
until the abandonment, obtained from various sources, 
but not from any detailed record. 

The author of the MS. is not shown, his name being 
left blank on the title page. Yet this descriptive title 
was added many years after, when the MS. came to lisfht 
among Sir Ferdinando Gorges' papers, without doubt 
not till after his death in 1647, and the finder could not 
or did not sufficiently endeavor to discover the writer. 

Yet some evidence will aid in shaping an o_pinion. 
The writer was clearly one engaged in the navigation 
of the ship. His use of we and 71s suggests that he held 
a prominent place in the company. But he records dis- 
tances and courses as if one who officially noted them ; 
he takes observation of the latitude ; he reproves the 
master and mates for error in respect to Flores ; he 
mentions " mvself and twelve others' taking: the boat 
and going ashore, implying that he was the officer in 
command ; he attends Captain Gilbert to Pemaquid, on 
both trips up the Kennebec, " myself being with Cap- 
tain Gilbert," and also to Cape Elizabeth and to Penob- 
scot. But when Captain Popham went to the Pejepscot, 
the writer indicates that he was not of the party. These 
facts strongly unite to point him out as Captain Gil- 



bert's trusted officer, whence every probability will make 
him pilot of the Mary and John, since he was neither 
master nor mate. When a party crossed the river to 
remain for the night with their Indian visitors, it is 
" Captain Gilbert, accompanied with James Davies and 
Captain Ellis Best." In every other reported trip, " my- 
self " attends Gilbert, leading us to expect the same now, 
which would point out either Davies or Best as " my- 
self," the writer. Were it Davies, then in due deference 
for rank, he might need to put his name before that of 
Best, yet as a modest man he omitted his own title. 
Strachey, however, is in conflict with this conclusion, 
since in writing of going ashore at Nova Scotia, instead 
of " myself and twelve others," as in our MS., he substi- 
tutes " Capt. R. Davies and twelve others." This shows 
that he supposed Robert Davies was the person. But 
Purchas has a brief account of the colony, — main facts 
of the settlement and discoveries as found in this MS. 
epitomized, — and by marginal references, directly from 
the words " Mary and John," gives James Davies as his 
authority. We cannot doubt that he knew from whom he 
derived his information, and the facts also strongly sug- 
gest this MS. All the conditions will assign to him 
much greater weight of authority than to Strachey in 
that one sentence, for the latter fell into errors of detail. 



There is further evidence in the account as given by 
Bloome, 18 who represents that Captain James Davies 
sailed up the river, discovered an island and fall of 
water, and a second fall impassable ; — statements show- 
ing that he was Gilbert's officer. Yet much value can- 
not be given to this quotation, since the author makes 
this Davies the leading man of affairs, choosing the lo- 
cation, reading the patent, building the fort, 19 — evidently 
having found reasons to give him an important place in 
the colony. 

The conclusion is well supported that the author of 
the journal or " Relation ' was James Davies. 

Both Robert and James Davies were assigned to office 
in the colony administration. The former likewise, ac- 
cording to Strachey, was despatched to England in the 
Mary and John. It must be that the two, under the des- 
ignations of " Captain Davies and Master Davies," were 
the officers in command of the " Virginia " in a voyage 
in 1609, to the southern colony. In the next year, Cap- 
tain James Davies is reported from there as in command 
of "Algernoone Fort," at Point Comfort. Robert Davis, 
of Bristol, was master of Sir Walter Raleigh's vessel, 
the barke " Rawley," which sailed in Sir H. Gilbert's 
expedition of 1583.*° John Smith mentions among 

" those 

18. Vide Literature, post. 20. Hakluyt's Voyages, Ed. 1589, 

19. Fopham Mem. Vol., p. 170. p. GS4. 


"those noble captains " connected with the planting of 
Sagadahoc, " Robert Davis, James Davis and John 
Davis." Josselyn 21 reports three successive voyages to 
the Northwest by Captain John Davis, in 1585-6-7. 22 
A family of master mariners seems to be indicated. 

Among those associated in this enterprise, Sir Ferdi- 
nando Gorges exercised a commanding influence. 23 The 
Norman conquest brought in to England Ranolph de 
Gorges from Lower Normandy, — the ancestor of this 
family. Later, the manor of Wrokeshale, or in later 
form Wraxall, in Somerset, became a family posses- 

Edward Gorges, of Wraxall, died August, 1568, at 
his town residence in Clerkenwell, near London. Fer- 
dinando was the younger of two sons. The record 
of his birth — probably at Clerkenwell rather than 
Wraxall, — fails, but an approximate date will be 1566 or 
1567. Military training and service brought him, when 
about twenty-one, a captain's commission. He was at 
the siege of Sluys in 1587 ; a prisoner of war in the next 
year; in the siege of Paris in 1589, and wounded. In 
1595; he was ordered to Plymouth to superintend the 


21. Chronol. Observations ; Mass. 
Hist. Coll., 3d Series, Vol. 3, p. 367. 

22. Vide Life of John Davis, the 
Navigator, 1560-1605, by C. R. Mark- 

ham, (1800.) 

23. Sir Ferdinando Gorges and bis 
Province of Maine, by James P. Bax- 
ter, Esq., Prince Society. 



erection of fortifications, and in March following he was 
made commander of the fort, and rendered valuable ser- 
vices for many years in the defence of Devonshire. 

By friendship for the Earl of Essex, he was drawn 
into complicity with the conspiracy against the queen ; 
was in great danger when a moment's caprice in Eliza- 
beth would have cost him his head ; yet gained pardon 
and release from prison. Soon after the accession of 
James he was restored to the command at Plymouth. 

Gorges' relations with Sir Walter Raleigh aided to 
incite in him interest in schemes of American coloniza- 
tion which had prevailed from the time of Sir Humphrey 
Gilbert. Especially did information, derived from three 
of the savages, kidnapped by Waymouth, give him vig- 
orous impulses toward undertakings for seizure of the 
unknown land. From that time forward, Sir Ferdi- 
nando used his fortune lavishly, and applied his resolute 
activity in all ways to that end. Yet was he wofully 
beset by the adverse at every step of project and en- 
deavor for establishing colonies, or deriving benefits 
from his own chartered possessions. He was, however, 
hopeful and persistent when wasted expenditure or de- 
feat followed his exertions. 

He took broad views of the benefits to be reaped 
from colonization, " the increase of the king's navy ; the 



breeding of mariners ; the employment of the people." 
He also wisely estimated the advantage to the realm by 
an extension over a valuable territory which otherwise 
rival nations would seize. Not for himself alone in any 
heartless narrow way in his aims and purposes, but for 
his king, were his endeavors persistently and heartily 
applied to ensure foreign settlements. Left by the death 
of Justice Popham to take a larger duty in superintend- 
ing the enterprise at Sagadahoc, his letters 24 disclose 
him intently watchful of the needs and welfare of the 
company in Fort St. George, alert and efficient in furnish- 
ing supplies and sending out ships. The sudden col- 
lapse of the colony which he had sustained with charac- 
teristic ardor and energy, was a keen disappointment, 
but he met it with nothing but resolution to go forward. 
It was an indomitable spirit indeed, which gave him en- 
durance, as he still under manifold vexations pursued 
his cherished aim, foreign plantations. Trade and fish- 
ery he employed to advance his purposes, yet confesses 
that what he gained in one way he lost in another. 
With reliant confidence, as an honest man claiming only 
chartered rights, he met in Parliament the attack upon 
the New England patent. Monhegan and Agamen- 
ticus recall his business schemes and unchilled ardor: 


24. Vide Literature, poat, and Baxter's Memoirs of Gorges. 


Gorgeana, the transitory city, remains a name in history 
to witness to the broad aims of the man, hampered, 
assailed, frustrated by agencies mightier than he. San- 
guine, self-reliant, courageous in disaster, persevering, 
daring fortune's heaviest rebuff, not without ambition in 
respect to the honor and wealth to be derived from the 
growth and government of his extensive domain, still in 
all his endeavors to establish plantations, he strove con- 
stantly against the adverse, culminating in defeat and 
the wreck of almost all his own and his family's hopes 
in regard to the province of Maine. But forty years of 
such leadership and effort, however personally fruitless, 
gave him superior rank and title to honor among the 
agencies operative in the settlement of Maine. 

Gorges was unselfishly loyal to his king, a bold royal- 
ist, upholding the monarchy ; and as a trusted officer 
managing military and civil affairs, he was discreet ener- 
getic, foresighted, vigilant. 

Sir Ferdinando's first wife was Ann, daughter of Ed- 
ward Bell, who, from marriage in 1589, continued his com- 
panion for thirty-one years, and bore him four children. 
Next, in 1621, he married Mary, widow of Thomas 
Achims, soon taken from him. A third marriage fol- 
lowed in 1627, with a twice widowed cousin, the daugh- 
ter of Tristram Gorges, a union severed by death in a 



few weeks. Again, two years later, he married a cousin, 
widow of Hugh Smyth, of Ashton Court. He now took 
up his residence with his wife at Ashton Phillips, her 
possession, in the manor of Ashton in Somerset County, 
near Bristol, which became for near a score of years the 
home of his declining age. Here he died in 1647, 
above eighty years old, his burial occurring May 14th. 

Equally devoted and active in the scheme of colon- 
ization was Sir John Popham. This family name is 
traced back to the twelfth century, originating at Popham 
in Hampshire County. From Gilbert Popham, who ob- 
tained the manor of Popham in 1200, John Popham was 
the sixth in descent, and was born in Wellington, Som- 
ersetshire, about 1 53 1. 

His early life was wayward and scandalous, but by 
the influence of his wife, as is believed, whom he mar- 
ried about 1560, he abandoned his vicious courses, ap- 
plied himself energetically to the law, and attained high 
distinction in his profession. He had been educated at 
Baliol College, Oxford, and in succession was member 
of Parliament, Solicitor-General, Speaker of the House 
of Commons, Attorney-General, Treasurer of the Middle 
Temple; next he was elevated to the bench in 1592, 
as Chief Justice of the realm. In the same year he was 
made Knight of the Bath and Privy Counsellor. 




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Very divergent opinions have been held respecting 
Chief Justice Popham. His character has been quite 
bitterly assailed. A spirit of detraction in some writers 
may have charged upon him more than his due of dis- 
honor. Others with an equal excess of charity have ex- 
cused his faults, or palliated and ignored his vices. Be 
the facts as charged, his case will not be the only in- 
stance of a dissolute youth and early manhood so far 
changed that matured years won good repute and hon- 
orable station. That his early years were wild, lawless, 
perhaps criminal, will admit of little doubt. Strong sus- 
picions have also rested upon him that in later official 
life he made private gain, in obtaining his home, at Lit- 
tlecote, by judicial dishonor. It has been affirmed by 
one writer that his law reports were miserably done, and 
have little authority ; hence the inference of deficient 
ability as much as of slighted work. On the contrary, 
it is held that his selection for such high legal duties, 
by a discerning queen and advisers, testifies to his fit- 
ness. Evidently he had the confidence of the crown, 
and was held to be a fit instrument for the work to be 

His relation to the Sagadahoc colony has brought 
the petty animadversion, having certainly no proof in fact, 
that he devised the scheme of plantations to maintain 

in the 



in the New World those who could not live honestly 
in the Old. It must be doubted if his motives and aims 
have been disclosed, but the success of such a scheme, 
in the then state of England's lower classes, might have 
brought him more credit than dishonor. But if such 
an aim had the least existence, the scheme found no real- 
ization, because of the quick blasting of the colony, and 
any small number of the vagrant and vicious injected 
into it made but slight diminution of the criminal or sus- 
pected classes at home. 

Justice Popham was a man of mixed character, not 
all good, not wholly bad. Integrity without numerous 
flaws cannot be affirmed. He administered the laws 
with vigor, often with severity, nor can it be denied that 
his administration in respect to the criminal classes was 
on the whole salutary. 

Manifestly he was heartily engaged in the projects 
for American colonization and was a fitting associate for 
Sir Ferdinando Gorges. His contributions must have 
been on a liberal scale towards the expenses, — an invest- 
ment from which he hoped to realize largely. In a fore- 
most place and active in these undertakings, yet his name 
was not entered in the charter of 1606, and doubtless for 
evident reasons in the case of such an officer of the crown. 
With zealous aid he sent out the advance ship in which 



Hanham sailed, and presumably at his own expense : then, 
with equal patronage and outlay, helped to secure the 
outfit of the colony, — ships, provisions, materials, men. 
He had the satisfaction to learn of, if he did not witness, 
their departure from Plymouth. Thus the first stage of 
the undertaking was realized. Then his part in it, 
though he knew it not, was finished, for the ships had 
not made half the distance to the Azores, when he died, 
June 10, 1607, aged seventy-six. An elaborate tomb in 
the church of Wellington marks the resting place of his 

His only son, Sir Francis Popham, at once took 
upon him his father's care of the incipient plantation, 
and after its dissolution pursued the vanishing phantom 
of success and fortune by sending ships to those shores. 

He was chosen a member of the Council for the 
Colony, and was one of the grantees of the new charter of 

George Popham, first President of the colony, whom 
Strachey designated "kinsman" of the Chief Justice, 
was a nephew, the son of his brother Edward. He held 
the office of "his Ma'ts customer'of the Porte of Bridge- 
water," previous to his departure for Sagadahoc. 25 Sea- 
service in former years as a master mariner is an allow- 

25. Copy of his letter, obtained by James P. Baxter, Esq., iD Archives of Me. 
Historical Society. 


able presumption, though his position as captain of the 
Gift is not proof that he was a practical navigator, but 
only that he had the chief authority in directing the 
voyage. He was one of the four persons whose names 
are written in the charter of 1606 in behalf of the north- 
ern colony, and it is fair to infer for him deep personal 
interest in foreign plantations, which led him to become 
a principal adventurer in this project ; but doubtless he 
also represented the Popham families and especially his 
kinsman, the Chief Justice. His personal devotion, 
however, must have been a chief reason for assigning 
the difficult duty of leadership in this foreign enterprise 
to an old man who had long been infirm, and thereby 
unfitted for the exacting service required. Yet his dis- 
cernment and judgment may have been wholly adequate, 
while nerve and vigorous resolution, with ability to con- 
trol men and with positive personal force to give shape 
to dubious affairs, may have been deficient. Gorges' 
characterization of the man is doubtless a just estimate: 
"an honest man, but old, and of unwieldy body, and 
timorously fearful to offend or contest with those that 
will or do oppose him, but otherwise a discreet, careful 
man." 26 His statements also indicate the lack of a vig- 
orous administration, and it appears that in a few months 
the spirit of disorder was working mischief in the enter- 

26. Vide Literature, post. 


prise, while confusion and divided aims prevailed — as- 
suredly a severe trial to the aged president, however far 
his timid official hand was responsible for the continu- 
ance. To praise him, or sharply to criticize and blame, 
we cannot, for we have not sufficient knowledge of the 
facts. His term of service was short : midwinter — Feb- 
ruary 5th — released him from the onerous duty. Some 
acute malady, incident to a new climate and a severe 
winter, may have caused his death ; or, in ripened years, 
it may have been nature's time for dissolution. The 
end may have been hastened by the taxing of ^his pow- 
ers by official duty, and the anxieties which rampant dis- 
order and sedition raised. 

What Gorges writes, 27 would be a suitable epitaph, 
if a stone could be raised on the unknown spot of his 
burial at Sagadahoc : — 

" However heartened by hopes, willing he was to die in 
acting something that might be serviceable to God and 
honorable to his country." 

Sir Humphrey Gilbert, whose projected enterprise, 
resolutely pursued, came to a disastrous issue, and in- 
volved also the loss of his own life, — may yet have left to 
his sons, as a natural inheritance, an interest in the seizure 
and occupation of the domain he had attempted to secure. 

Sir John 

27. Brief Narration, p. 22, in Me. Hist. Coll., Vol. II. 


Sir John Gilbert is shown to have been the eldest son 
in a family of at least seven children left by Sir Hum- 
phrey. The choice of him, in 1607, t° be a member of 
the enlarged council for the northern colony is the chief 
fact which identifies him with the Sagadahoc enterprise. 
It is also stated that he was made president of the com- 
pany, 28 — a further proof of his interested activity in its 
affairs. His death July 5, 1608, was a momentous event 
for the colony, indirectly causing it to disband. His 
home was in Compton, of Devonshire. His wife was 
Alice, daughter of Richard Molineux, of Sefton, but he 
left no children. 

Raleigh Gilbert, holding so prominent a position in 
the company's affairs, was likewise a son of Sir Hum- 
phrey, — not a brother, nor a nephew, as has also been 
held. His age is not definitely known, but so far as the 
family pedigree 29 is ascertained, he was next to the 
youngest child, and a fair estimate of probabilities will 
make him not younger than twenty-seven, nor older than 
thirty-five at his departure for Sagadahoc. In the pre- 
vious year he had enjoyed the distinction of becoming 
one of the four patentees in whose names was issued the 
charter of 1606; and his name appears likewise in the 

new charter of 1620. 

It seems 

28. Oldmixon. 

29. Essex Institute Collections, Vol. 17, p. 40. 


It seems that an unwonted portion of the father's 
scheming and adventurous spirit rested upon this 
youngest son, that he should have early devoted himself 
to similar aims in America. Recognized abilities and 
force of character must be presumed by which so young 
a man was esteemed fit to be put forward as a grantee 
under the charter, and next as vice president of the 

The journal, we now exhibit, discloses Raleigh Gil- 
bert's energy and activity in the affairs of the colony, 
not lessened, we may be assured, when the death of 
President Popham advanced him to that office. Informa- 
tion now obtained shows that ambition and selfish aims 
were among his faults, and soon modified his cordial re- 
lations to the enterprise. The returning ship brought 
report that Gilbert's aspiring claims were threatening the 
plans and interests of the company. He proposed to 
revive his father's patent, and to demand supposed rights 
accruing to him under it, which he believed could not be 
superseded by the charter of James in 1606; and was 
endeavoring to form a party to support his designs, 
sending messages to England to friends to come over 
and join him. Gorges sought at once to checkmate 
these plans, and it is inferred that Gilbert soon learned 
that his revolutionary scheme was hopeless. 



Gorges' estimate of the man does not commend him ; 3 ° 
11 desirous of supremacy and rule, a loose life, prompt to 
sensuality, little zeal in religion, humorous, headstrong, 
and of small judgment and experience, otherwise valiant 
enough " : and prompts the question of his fitness for 
the responsible position. Manifestly his administration 
was very unlike that of George Popham, and yet his 
more vigorous hand and force of will were suited to 
control restless and turbulent elements of the colony. 
Gilbert's presidency, extending from February into Sep- 
tember, was fully equal in length to that of Popham, and 
may have been vigilant and wholly satisfactory to the 
patrons; but when intelligence came of the death of his 
brother, Sir John, to whose property he was heir-at-law, 
he judged his return to England absolutely needful. It 
seems that his personal force mainly held the colony to 
its purpose, for his projected departure forced its disso- 
lution since there was no one there who could or would 
step into his place. 

Raleigh Gilbert was probably unmarried at this time, 
for his oldest son was born about 1615. He married 
Elizabeth Kelly, by whom he had five sons and two 
daughters. The date of his death is approximated by 
the proving of his will, which, made in 1625, was proved 
in 1634, February 13th. His home was in Greenway, in 
Devonshire. Sir Ferdinando 

SO. Vide Literature, post. 


Sir Ferdinando Gorges and members of the Popham 
and Gilbert families were evidently the principal project- 
ors and active managers of the undertaking, and most 
liberal contributors to the expenses. Others, how many 
we cannot know, were willing to put a few score or a few 
hundred pounds into the venture and wait for the profits 
of the investment, when the imagined mines and the 
products of the country should speedily fill the depleted 
treasury. We must presume that all those chosen 
to be members of the council had a financial interest in 
the project. These names of knights and gentlemen, 
may, therefore, be added as interested patrons : — Thomas 
Hanham, William Parker, Edward Hungerford, John 
Mallet, Thomas Freake, Richard Hawkins, Bartholo- 
mew Mitchell, Edward Seamour, Bernard Greenville, 
Edward Rogers, Rev. Matthew Sutcliff. It is probable 
that in the opening stage there was no lack of patrons, 
and the expedition sailed well furnished for its purpose. 

From this point the Lambeth MS. carries forward 
the story of the enterprise, — supplemented after the 
abrupt closing, by the continuation given in the History 
of Strachey. Some letters of Gorges, recently obtained, 31 
add very valuable information, and an inside view of 
the affairs of the colony. The Literature exhibits the 


31. Vide Literature, post. 

! *■■ 



general voice of history concerning the enterprise, to 
which is appended discussion of a few matters vitally 
connected with its progress and ending. 

Liberal expenditures and foresight had prepared the 
way ; abundant supplies were subsequently forwarded ; 
vigilant care of devoted patrons followed the colony ; 
but an inward disease, more than outward ills, not indeed 
wanting, weakened it, so that a slight stroke in the end 
broke the resolution of the company, and there was 
added to a lamentable series of frustrated attempts, one 
more discouraging failure in the colonization^ America, 
by the sudden abandonment of Sagadahoc. 

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In the nam of God, Amen. 

The Relation of a Voyage unto New England. 

Began from the Lizard, y e first of June 1607, 

By Capt n . Popham in ye ship ye Gift, 

Captn. Gilbert in ye Mary & John : 

Written by 

& found amongst ye Papers of y e truly Worp^H : 

Sr. Ferdinando Gorges, Knt. 

by me 

William Griffith. 32 

Departed from the Lyzard 33 the firste daye of June 
Ano Domi 1607, beinge Mundaye about 6 of the Cloke 

in the 

32. This subscription explains itself ; as a title indicating the contents of 

it was written by the finder, Griffith, the MS. which had been in Gorges' 



in the afternoon and ytt bore of me then Northeste and 

by North eyght Leags of. 

from thence Directed our Course for the Illands 34 of 

flowers & Corve in the wch we wear 24 dayes attainynge 

of ytt All w<A time we still kept the Sea and never 

Saw but on Saill beinge a ship of Salcom 35 bound for the 

New Foundland whearin was on tosser of Dartmoth 

' Mr. in her. 


possession, and was brought to light 
subsequent, — it may be many years, 
— to his death. 

33. At the southwesterly extreme 
of England, in the county of Cornwall. 
The lighthouse stands in Lat. 49° 57' 
N. andLon. 5° 11' W. Land's End, 
twenty-three miles distant, slightly 
further north, is the most westerly 
point. From the Lizard the navi- 
gator took departure for the ocean 
Toyage. The ships had left Plymouth 
harbor, fifty miles northeasterly, on 
the previous day. 

34. The Azores lay in the route to 
New England since it had been the 
practice to sail southward, often far 
towards the West Indies, and then 
take the wind up the American coast. 
Gosnold is accredited with the first at- 
tempt at a direct westerly passage. 
Yet Sir Humphrey Gilbert's voyage 
of 1583 was laid direct for Cape Race. 
The sailing directions ordered to run 
first W. S. W. to 43° or 44°, then to 

traverse to 45°, and not above 47°, 
but to endeavor to keep in 40°. This 
group of islands, nineln number, 800 
miles west of Portugal, lie in north 
latitude from 30° 55' to 39° 44'. They 
were taken in possession by the Portu- 
guese government about 1432, and 
named Azores — or as often written 
Accores, from the Portuguese word 
acor — a hawk, as these birds were 
very abundant. 

Flores, Corvo, Gratiosa, disguised 
by the spelling, are the islands here 
mentioned. Josselyn in 1663, (Two 
Voyages, Mass. H. Coll., 3 S., 3 V., p. 
236) writes, " We found flowers to be 
in the southern part in Lat. 39° 13'. 
We descried a village and a small 
church or chapp^l seated in a pleasnt 
valley to the eastern side of the island 
. . . inhabited by outlawed Portin- 
gals. The town they call Santa Cruz." 

35. Salcombe, a village of Devon- 
shire, at the entrance of Kingsbridge 



The 25 th daye of June we fell w ch the Illand of Ger- 
sea on 36 of The Illands of the Assores & ytt bore of 36 
us then South & by est ten Leags of, our M r . & his 
matts makinge ytt to be flowers but my Selffe wthstood 
them & reprooved them in thear errour as afterward ytt 
appeared manyfestly and then stood Roome 37 for flowers. 

The 26th of June we had Seight of flowers & Corv. 
& the 27 th in the mornynge early we wear hard abord 
flowers & stod in for to fynd a good rod for to anker 
Whearby to take in wood and watter the 28th we De- 
scryed to 36 Sailles, standinge in for flowers Wheatby we 
presently Wayed Anker & stood towards the rod of 
Sainta Cruse 38 beinge near three Leags from the place. 
Whear we wattered. thear Capt popham ankered to take 
in wood and wattr but ytt was So calme that we Could 
nott recover or gett unto hem beffor the daye cam on. 

The 29th of June beinge Mundaye early in the morn- 
ing those to Sailles we had seen the nyght beffore 
Wear neare unto us & beinge Calme they Sent thear 
bots beinge full of men towards us. And after the 
orders of the Sea they hailled us demandynge us of 


86. The forms of several words 
throughout the MS. need not mislead : 
— " of " for off, " on " for one, " to " 
for two, etc. 

37. This word is an old nautical 

term, and signifies to tack about be- 
fore the wind. 

38. A town on the island of Flores, 
having a harbor or port. Another of 
the same name is found on the north 
side of Graciosa. 



whense we wear the w c h we told them : & found them 
to be flemens 39 & the stats shipes. on of our Company 
named John Goyett of plymoth knew the Capt. of on 
of the shipes for that he had ben att Sea wth hem. 
havinge aquainted Capt. Gilbert of this & beinge all 
frinds he desyered the Capt. f the Dutch to com near 
& take a can of bear the w c h hee thankfully excepted we 
still keepinge our Selves in a redynesse both of our 
small shott & greatt ; the Dutch Capt. beinge Com to 
our ships syde Capt. Gilbert desyered hem to com abord 
hem & entertand hem in the beste Sort he Could, this 
don they to requytt his kind entertainment desyered 
hem that he wold go abord wth them. & uppon thear 
earnest intreaty he went wth them takinge three or 4 
gentell wth hem, but when they had hem abord of them 
they thear kept hem per Forse charginge him that he 
was a pyratt & still threatnynge hemselffe & his gentell- 


39. Capt. Gilbert's courtesy was illy 
repaid, and the Dutch were guilty of 
a base and perfidious trick. Nor are 
the motives at all to be discerned. 
Refusal to examine the ship's papers, 
with detention and scandalous treat- 
ment, seems like paying off some 
grudge at Englishmen. Their threats, 
if more than wicked gasconade, be- 
tokened a desire for a pretext to 
make prizes of the ships. It is but 
conjecture that behind all was a pur- 

pose to overthrow the voyage in the 
interest of Dutch projects of settle- 
ment. The latter had not as yet 
made endeavor to secure a foothold 
on the coast. In this case the base 
captain released Gilbert and compan- 
ions because he doubted the loyalty 
of his own crew, since some, being 
English, would have prevented the 
execution of the Dutchman's design 
to seize the ships. 


men wth hem to throw them all overbord & to take our 
ship from us. in this Sort they kept them from ten of 
the Clok mornynge untill eyght of the Clok nyght ussinge 
Som of his srent in most wild maner as Settinge Som of 
them in the bibowes & buffettincre of others & other 
most wyld & shamffull abusses but in the end havinge 
Seene our Comission the w c h was proffered unto them 
att the firste but they reffused to See yt and the great- 
est Cause doutinge of the Inglyshe men beinge of thear 
owne Company who had promist Cap*. Gilbert that yf 
they proffered to perfform that wch they still threatned 
hem that then they all woold Rysse wth hem. & either 
end thear Lyves in his deffence or Suppresse the shipe. 
the w ch the Dutch perseavinge presently Sett them att 
Lyberty & Sent them abord unto us aggain to our no 
small Joye. Cap*, popham all this tyme beinge in the 
Wind of us never woold Com roome unto us not with- 
standinge we makinge all the Seignes that possybell we 
myght by strykinge on topsaill & hoissinge ytt aggain 
three tymes & makinge towards hem all that ever we 
possybell could. 40 so hear we lost Company of hem 


40. Capt. Popham may be fairly was more suspicious of the Dutch 
entitled to the benefit of the doubt, if vessels than Capt. Gilbert had been, 
he saw or comprehended the signals : he failed damagingly in duty to his 
otherwise his course is unexplainable, consort. His unmanly action separ- 
or may be called cowardly, that he ated the two vessels for the remain- 
did not approach to inquire. If he I der of the voyage. 



beinge the 29th daye of June about 8 of the Clok att 
nyght beinge 6 Leags from flowers West norwest wee 
standinge our Course for Vyrgenia the 30th wee laye in 
Seight of the Illand. 

The firste Daye of Jully beinge Wesdaye wee depted 
from the Illand of flowers 41 beinge ten Leases South weste 
from ytt. 

From hence we allwayes kept our Course to the 
Westward as much as wind & weather woold permytt 
untill the 27 th daye of Jully duringe w ch time wee often 
times Sounded but could never fynd grounde. this 27th 
early in the mornynge we Sounded & had ground but 
18 fetham beinge then in the Lattitud of 43 degrees & 
f hear w. . . fysht three howers k tooke near to hundred 
of Cods very great & large fyshe bigger & larger fyshe 
then that w c h corns from the bancke of the New Found 


41. They had kept their course 
southwesterly by Flores to about Lat. 
39°. Then they sailed westward 
(Strachey * p. 202, writes W. by N. 
and W, N. W.) for twenty-six days, 
when they reached soundings in Lat 
43° 40'. A portion of Sable Island 
bank, south and west of the island, 
between Lat. 43° 40' and 44', shows 

*A11 references to this writer will b<» 
made to the reprint in Collections of Maine 
HiBt. Soc, Vol. 3. 

seventeen to twenty-six fathoms. 
Strachey writes twenty and twenty- 
two, not eighteen. At no other point 
in the given latitude, except near the 
island, is this depth found. This ap- 
proximates their position and shows 
that they passed some twenty miles 
to the S. W. of Sable Island. Had 
they cast the lead an hour or two 
earlier, they would have found forty 
to sixty fathoms. 



Land hear wee myght have lodden our shipe in Lesse 
time then a moneth. 

From hence the Wynd beinge att South west wee 
sett our Saills & stood by the wind west nor west towards 
the Land allwaves Soundinsfe for our better knowledg as 
we ran towarde the main Land from this bancke. 

From this bancke we kept our Course west nor west 
36 Leags wch ys from the 27th of July untill the 30 th of 
July in wch tyme we ran 36 L as ys beffore sayed & then 
we Saw the Land 42 about 10 of the Clok in the morn- 
ynge bearinge norweste from us About 10 Leags & then 
we Sounded & had a hundred fethams 43 blacke oze hear 
as we Cam in towards the Land from this bancke we 
still found deepe wattr. the deepest within the bancke 
ys 160 fethams & in 100 fetham you shall See the Land 
yf ytt be Clear weather after you passe the bancke the 
ground ys still black oze untill yo Com near the shore 
this daye wee stood in for the Land but Could nott re- 

42. From point of soundings to 
the land they reckon forty-six leagues. 
Sable Island is distant from Aspo- 
togeon about 140 miles or in close 
agreement. "The high lands of As- 
potogeon and La Ileve are conspic- 
uous and remarkable." "The high and 
conspicuous mountain of Aspotogeon 
is visible more than twenty miles off." 
" Cape La Heve, a steep, abrupt cliff 

107 ft. high." (Blunt's Coast Pilot, 
1867, pp. 193-195.) 

43. After passing Sable Bank, the 
depth for many leagues, varies from 
eighty to 125 fathoms. Within twenty 
miles of Sambro light, off Halifax, 
are eighty to ninety-seven fathoms : 
near Sambro banks, but south of their 
probable course, are 140 to 152 fath- 
oms. (Vide Coast Charts.) 




cover ytt beffor the night tooke us so we stood a Lyttell 
from ytt & thear strok a hull untill the next daye beinge 
the Laste of July hear Lyeinge at hull we tooke great 
stor of cod fyshes the bigeste & largest that I ever Saw 
or any man in our ship, this daye beinge the Last of 
July about 3 of the Clok in the after noon we recouered 
the shor & cam to an anker under an Illand 44 for all this 
Cost ys full of Illands & broken Land but very Sound & 
good for shipinge to go by them the watt** deepe. 18 & 
20 fetham hard abord them this Illand standeth in the 

This Illand standeth in the lattitud of 44 d & i & 
hear we had nott ben att an anker past to howers beffore 
we espyed a bisken 45 shallop Cominge towards us hav- 

44. Determinations of latitude in 
that period were not accurate by rea- 
son of the rudeness of instruments 
employed. Fractions of degrees were 
usually but approximations. (Vide 
New England His. and Gen. Reg., 
1882, p. 145.) Hence the latitude 
here given will not certainly point out 
the island. Macnab Island, at the 
entrance of Halifax harbor, Tancook 
and Green Islands, guarding Mahone 
bay, and Cross Island, at Lunenburg 
bay, closely meet the requirements of 
latitude. Ironbound Island, in Lat. 
41° 16>, is a quarter of a degree south, 
but presents its claims from its prox- 


imity to the harbor of La Heve. 
Champlain (Bk. 2, p. 49) had made 
the latitude of Cape de La Heve 44° 
5'. The narrative mentions as the 
chief of those parts a Sachem Mess- 
amott, and Lescarbot shows tha 
Messamott was " Captaine or Saga- 
more in the river of the port of La 
Heve." These facts favor but are not 
decisive that the anchorage was at 
La Ileve.yetdogive Ironbound Island 
the preference. The chief Messamott 
had been in France. ( Vide Lescarbot, 
1G00 Ed., Chap. 44.) 

45. Boats of European make were 
proofs of the intercourse which had 


inge in her eyght Sallvages & a Lyttell salvage boye 
they cam near unto us & spoke unto us in thear Lan- 
guage. & we makinge Seignes to them that they should 
com abord of us showinge unto them knyues glasses 
beads & throwinge into thear bott Som bisket but for 
all this they wold nott com abord of us but makinge 
show to go from us. we suffered them. So when thev 
wear a Lyttell from us and Seeinge we proffered them 
no wronge of thear owne accord retorned & cam abord 
of us & three of them stayed all that nyght w^ us the 
rest depted in the shallope to the shore makinge jSeignes 
unto us that they wold retorn unto us aggain the next 

The next daye the Sam Salvages w*h three Salvage 
wemen beinge the fryst daye of Auguste retorned unto 
us brinmncre wth them Som feow skines of bever in an 
other bisken shallop & propheringe thear skines to trook 
w* us but they demanded ouer muche for them and we 
Seemed to make Lvsrht of them So then the other three 
wch had stayed wth us all nyght went into the shallop & 
So they depted ytt Seem th that the french hath trad 
w^ them for they use many french words the Cheeff 
Comander of these p ts ys called Messamott & the ryver 


existed between the natives and the 
hardy fishermen frequenting the 
coast. Also the French were engaged 

in traffic with them, as Lescarbot 



or harbor ys called emannett 46 we take these peopell to 
be the tarentyns 47 & these peopell as we have Learned 
sence do make wars 48 w& Sasanoa the Cheeffe Comander 
to the westward whea . . we have planted & this Somer 
they kild his Sonne So the Salvages depted from us & 
cam no mor unto us After they wear depted from us we 
hoyssed out our bot whearin my Selffe was w tn 12 others 
& rowed to the shore and landed on this Illand 49 that 
we rod under the w<& we found to be a gallant Illand full 
of heigh & myghty trees of Sundry Sorts hear we allso 
found aboundance of gusberyes — strawberyes rasberyes 
& whorts 50 So we retorned & Cam abord 

Sondaye beinge the second of Auguste after dyner 
our bott went to the shore again to fille freshe watt* 
whear after they had filled thear watt 1 " thear cam fower 
Salvages unto them havinsre thear bowes & arowes in 

40. This name does not appear 
elsewhere. The French designation 
La Heve supplanted it. In Nor- 
mandy, near Havre de Grace, is a 
high bluff bearing this name, which 
manifestly was transferred and af- 
fixed by early seamen. (Vide Cham- 
plain, Prince Soc, Vol. 2, p. 0, note.) 

47. One division or tribe of the 
Etechemins, who occupied the Penob- 
scot region and the East. Purchas 
says the Tarratine County is in 44° 
40'. (Vide Williamson, 1, 470. Me. 
His. Col., 7, 100.) 


48. The fight occurred in August, 
and is mentioned again under date of 
the 22d. This sentence may have 
been added later to the Relation when 
the whole was written out, from the 
original notes and log book. 

49. Cross Island is more notable in 
size than Ironbound, comprising 253 
acres. Good channels on either side. 
(Blunt, p. 11)1.) 

50. Whortleberries. Lescarbot 
mentions the red gooseberries. 


thear hands makinge show unto them to have them Com 
to the shore but our Saillers havinge rilled thear wattr 
wold nott go to the shore unto them but retorned & cam 
abord beinge about 5 of the Clock in the afternoon So 
the bott went presently from the ship unto a point of an 
Illand & thear att Lo watt*" in on hower kild near . 50 . 
great Lopsters you shall See them Whear they Ly in 
shold Watt*" nott past a yeard deep & wth a great hooke 
mad faste to a staff e you shall hitch them up thear ar 
great store of them you may near Lad a Ship wth them. 
& they are of greatt bignesse I have nott Seen the Lyke 
in Ingland So the bott retorned abord & wee toke our 
bott in & about myd nyght the wynd cam faier att 
northest 51 we Sett Saill & depted from thence keepinge 
our Course South west for So the Cost Lyeth. 

Mundaye being the third of Auguste in the morn- 
inge we wear faier 52 by the shore and So Sailled alongste 
the Coste we Saw many Illands all alonge the Cost & 
great Sounds, goinge betwyxt them, but We could 
make prooffe of non for want of a penyshe 53 hear we 
found fvshe still all alonge the Cost as we Sailled. 

Tusdaye being the 4th of Auguste in the morninge 

5 of 

51. Strachey adds, " and the moon 
shining brightly." 

52. " A league from it," says Stra- 

53. Pinnace. 

4 6 


5 of the Clok we wear theawart of a Cape or head Land 54 
Lyeing in the Latitud of 43 degrees and cam very near 


54. Allowing for time to get under 
way after the wind came round, they 
were a little more than twenty-four 
hours in running down the coast from 
their anchorage to Cape Sable, which 
must be the cape mentioned. The 
landfall in 44}o°, this coast-wise 
trip S. W. to a cape in 43°, then in 
leaving it, entering a great deep bay, 
and making some forty -five leagues 
westerly out of sight of land, furnish 
evidence additional to the manifest 
crossing of Sable Bank, that their 
course across the ocean brought them 
to Nova Scotia. No other part of the 
American coast would fit these facts. 
When the " Historie" of Strachey was 
published disclosing first the details 
of the voyage, this cape presented no 
slight difficultity. The English Ed- 
itor, Mr. R. H. Major, misled prob- 
ably by theory and assumption of 
landfall necessarily on the coast of 
Maine, sadly befogged the matter. 
From the narrative and other infor- 
mation at hand, and especially a 
" very elaborate and beautiful map of 
the coast of Maine in the British 
Museum, on a scale of two miles to 
an inch," he reached conclusions in 
his opinion " most consistent with 
all the details," that Cape Small 
Point must be the headland in ques- 
tion. Yet then he was forced to as- 

sign an error in the reported latitude 
of half a degree. In his careful 
study, however, he overlooked plain 
details of the narrative, able to shat- 
ter his conclusions. He failed to fol- 
low the vessel, and to notice that 
these navigators, after passing the 
headland, sailed two days out of 
sight of land, some fifty leagues by 
estimate, on courses, S. W., W. by S., 
W. S. W., W. N. W., W., and W. by 
N., constantly westerly, and then 
sighted the mountains of Penobscot. 
To sail westerly from Small Point, 
and reach Penobscot bay is a feat of 
seamanship vastly easier in perform- 
ance in an English library than on 
the quarter deck. Surprise at sach a 
blunder is but augmented by the 
further fact that in the American re- 
print of a portion of Strachey with 
Mr. Major's appended notes, by the 
Historical Societies of Massachusetts 
and of Maine, his elucidations and 
conclusions upon this point gained 
neither dissent, criticisms, nor notice. 
He had suggested, in view of the lati- 
tude, that the first landfall might 
have been at Mount Desert, not 
heeding the fact that the parallel of 
44° cuts Nova Scotia as well as Maine. 
(Capt. George Prince in appendix to 
Hosier's Relation [1800] regards the 
landfall as eastward of Mt. Desert.) 



unto ytt. 55 ytt ys very Low Land showinge Whytt 
Lyke sand but ytt ys Whytt Rocks and very stronge 
tides goeth hear from the place we stopt att beinge in 
44 de & i untill this Cape or head land ytt ys all broken 
Land & full of Illands & Large Sounds betwixt them & 
hear we found fyshe aboundance so large & great as I 
never Saw the Lyke Cods beffor nether any man in our 

After we paste this Cape or head Land the Land 
falleth awaye and Lyeth in norwest & by north into a 
greatt deep baye 56 . We kept our course from this head 
Land West and Weste and by South 7 Leags and cam 
to thre Illands 57 whear cominge near unto them we 
found on the Southest Syd of them a great Leadge of 
Rocks 58 Lyeinge near a Leage into the Sea the w cn we 

55. The latitude was doubtless an 
estimate, with no accuracy of observa- 
tion. Cape Sable light is in 43° 23', 
as given by Blunt, who mentions 
the strong set of the tides across the 
ledges— the Horseshoe and Cape 
Ledges — at the rate of three and some- 
times four knots an hour. (Coast Pi- 
lot, p. 200.) Strachey must have drawn 
from the log book or memoranda of 
the voyage, since he says that off the 
cape the ship was in 42° 50' and ran 
within half a league of it. Blunt 
Bays that the cape itself is a broken 
white cliff, visible four or live leagues 


56. The Bay of Fundy ; all the 
early maps indicate it. In the writ- 
ings of Jesuit missionaries it is named 
" Baie Francaise " — French Bay. 

57. Seal Island and Mud Islands, 
the latter four in number, but all 
would not be separately discerned 
from the ship. The distance is very 
precise, as Seal Island lies nearly 
twenty miles due west from Cape 

68. The Blonde Rock is three and 
one-half miles distant, South % East 
from Seal Island and is uncover- 
ed at low water. The Elbow Shoal 
lies nearly between, and the Zettland 

4 8 


perseavinge tackt our ship & the wynde being Large att 
northest Cleared our Selves of them kepinge still our 
course to the westward west & by South and west South- 
west untill mydnyght. then after we hald in more north- 
erly. 59 

Wensdaye being the 5th of Auguste from after myd- 
nyght we hald in West norwest untill 3 of the Clok 
afternoon of the Sam and then we Saw the Land aggain 
bearinge from us north weste & by north and ytt Risseth 
in this forme hear under, ten or 12 Leags 6 ° from yo 
they ar three heigh mountains 6 ' that Lye in upon the 
main Land near unto the ryver of penobskotin wch ryver 
the bashabe 62 makes his abod the cheeffe Comander of 
those pts & streatcheth unto the ryver of Sagadehock 
under his Comand yo shall see theise heigh mountains 
when yo shall not perseave the main Land under ytt 

. they 

Shoal still more westerly. Over these 
is a heavy tide rip during the strength 
of the tide. (Coast Pilot, p. 201.) 
These manifest perils were avoided 
by tacking ship. 

69. Strachey adds in the first case 
" and made thirty leagues ; " and in 
the -second " made fifteen leagues." 
At this point they descried land. 

60. A low estimate Strachey 
wrote " nine or more." Vide note 63. 
As later shown the ship was some 
distance south east of the Matinicua 
Islands. Six miles east of Seal Island, 

the most easterly of the Matinicus 
group, at present variations of 15j^°, 
Mt. Megunticook, the nearest, has 
just the given bearing, N. W. by N., 
and is twenty-five miles distant. 

61. Strachey writes that they are 
in the land of Segohquet. 

The Camden mountains, called by 
Col. Benjamin Church Mathebestuck 
Hills, present clear and bold outlines 
to seamen ; they can be seen sixty 
miles out at sea. 

62. Vide note on Bashaba, post. 



they ar of shutch an exceedinge heygts : And note, 
that from the Cape or head Land beffor spoken of untill 
these heigh mountains we never Saw any Land except 
those three Illands also beffor mensyoned We stood in 
Right w* these mountains untill the next daye 63 . 

Thursdaye beinge the 6 th of Auguste we stood in 
wth this heigh Land untill 12 of the Cloke noon"& then 
I found the shipe to be in 43 d & £ by my observatio 64 
from thence we Sett our Course & stood awaye dew 
weste & Saw three other Illands 63 Lyenge together beinge 
Lo & flatt by the watt** showinge whytt as yff ytt wear 
Sand but ytt ys whytt Rocks makinge show a far of 


63. Sailing slowly, since they new 
only reached 43)£° southeasterly of 
the Matinicus Islands, and from them 
the mountains would be still some 
ten leagues away. 

64. Thewriter certainly had some 
part in navigating the vessel, — fur- 
ther evidence that he was the pilot. 

65. The Matinicus group, lying in 
the direct course from Cape Sable to 
Penobscot Bay. They are Matinicus, 
Ragged, Wooden Ball and Seal. The 
last three are the ones intended since 

the first lyng north of Ragged would 
be concealed. They regarded the 
three as lying in line due east and west. 
This course was not precise, for a 
line from the center of Ragged cut- 
ting the two others makes an angle of 
28° with the parallel of 43° 60', which 
intersects Ragged. This would re- 
quire a variation of the compass of 
2)2 points, much too large, since 
Capt. Waymouth, two years before, 
found at Pentecost Harbor only one 
point variation. 



allmoste Lyke unto Dover Cleeves. & these three Illands 
Lye dew est & west on of the other so we Cam faier 66 
by them and as we Cam to the Westward the heygh 
Land 67 beffor spoken of shewed ytt selffe in this form as 
followith — 

From hence we kept still 
by North towards three oth 

66. " Fast by " writes Strachey,— 
close or as near as prudent. He adds 
also : " There lyeth so-west from the 
easter-most of the three islands a 
white rockye islands ; " i. e., Matini- 
cus Rock, which is in lat. 43° 47', and 
about 3 ms. S. by E. from Raggal 
The narrative is best interpreted by 
believing that the Mary and John, 
laying her course close to the three 
islands, sailed between Ragged and 
Matinicus Rock. Yet our narrator 
says .they reached 43j>2° and then 
sailed due west, which would have 
laid their course many miles south 
of the Rock. Evidently there was 
faulty determination of the latitude 
in this case or they hauled in north- 
erly, of which no mention is made. 

67. In advancing westward, the 

our Course West & Weste 
er Illands 68 that we Sawe 


outlines of the mountains change as 
the rude sketches show. 

68. Having cleared the Matinicus 
Islands, they changed their course 
towards the north. By evident lack 
of full sailing notes and the unknown 
variation, the precise course of the 
Mary and John cannot now be laid 
down on the charts. Another point 
of view is required. They see three 
other islands, — eight leagues distant, 
— manifestly too liberal an estimate ; 
make for them and there find anchor- 
age. Assuming that they had cleared 
Ragged island then northwesterly 
Metinic will be full ten nautical miles 
away ; Monhegan, eighteen ; and be- 
tween them are the Georges group, 
about eighteen miles distant. The 
range of view from Metinic on the 




Lyenge from these Illands beffor spoken of 8 Leags and 
about ten of the Clok att nyght we recovered them & 
havinge Sent in our bott beffor nyght to vew ytt for that 
ytt was Calme a to Sound ytt & See whatt good ankor- 
inge was under ytt we bor in w cn on of them the wch as 

right to Monhegan on the left will 
comprise some thirty degrees of the 
horizon, constantly expanding on ad- 
vance- (It is barely possible that a 
seaman might in a general way say 
he laid his course towards three 
islands in so wide a range.) But the 
mean and direct course would be 
towards the St. George islands — 
coloquially, the Georges. As Me- 
tinic is near and far to the right, so 
soon left on the starboard, it must 
be ruled out and could not have been 
one of the three. Monhegan must 
likewise be discarded, for they sailed 
towards three islands, and late in the 
evening " recovered them," a state- 
ment only applicable to the Georges. 
On arrival they sent out a boat " to 
view it," i. e., the nearest or chief 
one; after report they " bore in with 
one of them," — the plural denoting a 
group, — and found anchorage. With 
greatest difficulty can the several 
statements be adjusted to Monhegan, 
though that has been put forth as the 
point reached. (Vide Mass. His. Pro- 
ceed., 1830, pp. 80, 101 ; Bancroft, Vol. 
1, p. 205, et al.) But they are clearly 
interpreted of the Georges Islands. 

we cam 

Further evidence is however conclu- 

1. In the morning at their anchor- 
age they " were environed about with 
islands." Such a statement is wholly 
inapt in reference to a station at Mon- 
hegan, that lonely outpost in the sea. 
Also there could be counted " near 30 
islands round about us from aboard 
our ship." This is an impossible 
statement for the view at Monhegan. 
The nearest are Allen's and Burnt, 
full six miles distant northeasterly. 
In fine weather three or four small 
ones, scarcely separable from the 
mainland, can be made out by a prac- 
ticed eye, stretching on the left 
towards Pemaquid. In the clearest 
weather Seguin, Metinic and Matin- 
icus can be discerned. But an ordin- 
ary observer, a stranger, would at first 
notice only two, Allen's and Burnt ; 
while a sharper eye in the best 
weather might add six or seven more. 
But to regard these far away islands 
as environing the ship is wholly 
forced and absurd. But to an anchor- 
age among the St. George islands the 
description would accurately apply. 

2. Also after Popham's arrival 



we cam in by we still sounded & founde very deep watt** 
40 fetham 69 hard abord of yt. So we stood in into a 
Coue 7 ° In ytt & had 12 fetham watt* & thear we 
ankored untill the mornynge. And when the daye ap- 
peared We Saw we weare environed Round about with 
Illands yo myght have told neare thirty Illands round 
about us from abord our shipe this Illand we Call S c . 


they manned the boats and made a 
trip to Pemaquid, and in so doing they 
" rowed to the west in amongst many 
gallant islands." Accept the Monhe- 
gan anchorage, then Pemaquid, allow- 
ing only one point for variation, would 
have been N. W., not W. From the 
Georges it is due west to Pemaquid. 
Again, in the route from Monhegan 
to Pemaquid not an island intervenes, 
nor rock, — nor is there any nearer 
than Allen's island, five miles away. 
No sane man could have written 
of rowing among gallant islands 
on this course to Pemaquid. The 
Monhegan location is wholly incon- 
sistent with the description ; but one 
at the Georges fully accords, each 
point adding to the evidence and mak- 
ing it conclusive beyond question. 
(Vide Eaton's Thomaston, p. 23.) 

69. The depth is exaggerated ; 
twenty-eight fathoms are found cast 
of Burnt Island. 

70. It is not possible to designate 
this cove, and evidently here again 
the depth of water was reckoned in 

excess. On the north and east of 
Burnt are coves of 9% and 1% 
fathoms, and on the west 10 and 
13, but no proper coves. On the 
southeast of Allen's is "a cove of 1% 
fathoms, and at the northeast one of 

71. No clear evidence determines 
which island they rode under, but 
probabilities favor Allen's. Capt. 
Geo. Prince concludes they anchored 
off the S. E. end of it. (Prince's 
Rosier, (18G0.) p. 23.) They name it 
St. George's Island, evidently believ- 
ing that Waymouth so named it. But 
Roster's memory was at fault, else 
there can be scarcely a doubt but that 
Waymouth's company gave the name 
St. George to Monhegan, " the first 
island we fell with." Capt. G. Prince 
accepts the fact. Rev. Mr. Burrage 
regards it " a natural inference." 
(Hosier's Nar., p. 133.) Capt. Gil- 
bert's company doubtless had not 
certain knowledge to which island 
Waymouth had given the name. 
Hence rinding the cross set up by 



Georges Illand 71 for that we hear found a Crosse 72 Sett 
up the w ch we Suposse was Sett up by George Way man. 


him they regard that as evidence 
of the name of the island and 
renew its use. By this erroneous 
conclusion the name was transferred 
and thereafter became permanent, 
never again appearing in application 
to Monhegan. The latter name 
comes into view in Capt. J. Smith's 
earliest narration (Desc. of N. Eng., 
London, 161G) and prevailed ever 
after, though in various forms. Both 
names were used with obvious dis- 
tinction by Richard Mather, 1035, 
(Journal) " made land at Menhiggin." 
" We saw more northward, divers 
other islands called St. George 
Islands," — " rocks and islands on al- 
most every side of us, as Menhiggin, 
St. George Islands, Pemaquid." The 
island St. George is mentioned by 
Geo. Munjoy in 1672, in his report of 
survey of the Massachusetts colony 
line, and probably could be no other 
than Allen's islands. 

72. Rosicr's Relation affords not 
a presumption that Waymouth set 
up a cross on Monhegan, since he 
does not hint that it was visited more 
than once, and brierly, for a boat load 
of wood. He did leave one by his har- 
bor anchorage, and one on the bank of 
his river. Gilbert's company believed 
they found the former. Strachey al- 
lows not a doubt but it was Way- 
mouth's. ( Vide Wm. Willis, Me. H. 


Coll., 5, pp. 34S-9.) This is a proof of 
their knowledge of Waymouth's an- 
choring at the point, and strengthens 
other conclusive evidence that Way- 
mouth's Pentecost Harbor was the 
Georges Harbor. A summary of that 
evidence is appropriate here. 

1. Rational Presumption. 

Waymouth first anchored north of 
Monhegan. Good seamanship de- 
manded a secure anchorage against a 
possible storm. On ouj" unknown 
coast sheltering islands are sought 
for that purpose. Three miles from 
Waymouth's ship lay inviting islands ; 
others were dimly seen towards the 
main land. Wholly ignorant of the 
coast, he will first seek a harbor 
among theso islands, or by an ad- 
vance towards the land. To sail 
away ten or twenty miles westward 
along the coast is unnatural and 
absurd. Indeed, when he did seek 
his harbor, only four hours were re- 
quired from weighing anchor till the 
harbor was selected and ship moored. 
He sought simply a well defended 
berth. Had he sailed, as alleged, to 
the vicinity of Boothbay, then must 
he have shut his eyes against any 
search in Muscongus Bay close about 
him, or at Pemaquid, or at Damaris- 
cotta River, where secure anchorages 
offer at many a point. He could not 
have acted thus irrationally. 



Frydaye beinge the 7th of Auguste we wayed our 
Ankor whereby to bringe our shipe in mor bettr Safty 73 

how Soever 

2. In passing from first to second 
anchorage he sailed towards other 
islands more adjoining the main ; i. e., 
towards the mainland, not coastwise ; 
also he sailed " in the road directly 
"with," i €., towards high mountains. 

No other interpretation of this 
language can honesty make possible. 

3. The Camden Mts. alone can be 
intended, — inland, high, bold, always 
visible : also in the very direction 
given by Purchas, " north-north-east," 
which he writes in full, not in abbre- 
viation, N. N. E., against which error 
could more reasonably be charged. 
(Purchas, 4: 1059.) The White 
Mountains are totally inadmissible, 
— visible on an average but once 
or twice a week; not visible at all 
from the sea north or west of Mon- 
hegan, except in rare cases of " loom- 
ing." The mountains Waymouth 
saw were constantly in view ; and 
from the river seemed near, a league 
away, while the White Mountains, 
110 miles distant, when seen from 
the heights, present a cloudy range 
lifted a little above the horizon. 

4. Champlain passed through the 
Sheepscot and Kennebec a few days 
after Wayraouth's alleged visit ; con- 
versed with the natives, heard noth- 
ing of a ship just departed, as his 
faithful records of events prove. 
Later he did learn of a ship having 

been ten leagues east of the Kennebec, 
whose men had killed, — in fact kid- 
napped and secreted, — five Indians. 
Champlain locates this English ship 
in the vicinity of Monhegan, not 
west of it. 

5. Cromwell's grant to Temple in 
1(557 gives names along the coast 
from Nova Scotia westward, and as- 
sociates Pentecost with " St. George 
and Muscontus." Therefore Pentecost 
was east of Pemaquid 

6. Abbe Lavardiere's notes to 
Champlain locate Pentecost over 
against (en face de) Monhegan. 

7. John Stoneman, pilot with Chal- 
lons, wrote a narrative (Purchas, Vol. 
4, 1S32) of that disaster not earlier 
than the first of 1G08, possibly many 
many months later. He had been 
with Waymouth in his noted voyage 
and mentions that discovery of a 
river, the name of which he leaves 
blank, indicating that then no name 
for it was known and in use. But 
the Sagadahoc or Kennebec was well 
known in England by the colony then 
located upon it. And Stoneman 
could not have failed to know, certain- 
ly after consultation with Gorges, 
that the colony was not upon the 
river he had visited when with Way- 

8. On a map in Purchas' Pilgrims, 
1625, a rude outline of the Maine 



how Soever the wynd should happen to blow and about 
ten of the Cloke in the mornynge as we weare standinge 
of a Lyttell from the Illand we descried a saill standinge 
in towards this Illand 74 & we presently mad towards her 

& found 

coast appears; indentations repre- 
sent " Sagedhoc " and " Pemptoger " 
(Pentagoet or Penobscot), while be- 
tween and near the latter is " Way- 
mouch R.," clearly the St. George. 

The aggregate of evidence assign- 
ing Pentecost Harbor to the Georges 
is very weighty, nor to be evaded in 
fair usage of Rosier's account. Of 
evidence to locate it in the vicinity of 
Boothbay there seems to be none, 
except the assumption of the White 
Mountain view, proved impossible. 
(For the whole matter, lucidly and 
effectively treated, vide Dr. Burrage's 
Rosier's Relation.) 

73. The hasty anchorage chosen 
in the preceding evening was not sat- 
isfactory. The boats must have been 
sent out Friday morning to select a 
better, and of this no mention is 
made. In this search the cross set 
up by Waymouth would have been 
found. This fact determined their 
new anchorage. The Relation of 
Rosier seems very clear that the 
cross was set up by Waymouth 's men 
on the rocks by the shore over against 
the ship. It was at the place where 
the pinnace was constructed, where 
wells were dug, the garden plat made, 

in fact on the shore of Pentecost 
Harbor, not at some other part of the 
island. It seems also that the Pop- 
ham colonists anchored near the cross 
they found, for they went ashore to 
this place for the religious services of 
the Sabbath. They would not have 
transported by boat " the most part 
of their whole company of both 
ships " to a distant part of the island. 
Hence the Waymouth and the Pop- 
ham anchorages were the same in the 
Georges Harbor. The cross was 
erected therefore on the north end of 
Allen's Island. While Gilbert's ship 
was standing off to come round to 
the new anchorage, Capt. Popham's 
ship was descried approaching. After 
separation at the Azores, it was a 
remarkable timing of the two voy- 
ages, thus to meet within twelve 

74. The Gift came confidently 
in as if knowing well the place, doubt- 
less in charge of a pilot who had been 
here previously, probably with Pring. 
The pilot of the Mary and John does 
not appear equally acquainted. Yet 
both evidently sought a definite and 
assigned place, the appointed rendez- 
vous in case of separation. 



& found ytt to be the gyfte our Consort So beinge all 
Joye full of our happy meetinge we both stood in again 
for the Illand we ryd under beffor & theare anckored both 
together. 75 

This night followinge about myd nyght Cap*. Gilbert 
caussed his ships bott to be maned & took to hemselffe 
13 other my Selffe beinge on. beinge 14 persons in all 
& tooke the Indyan skidwarres w tn us 76 the weather beinge 


75. The opinion which has long 
prevailed that the Popharn expedi- 
tion anchored at Monhegan and tar- 
ried there several days, is manifest 
error. It is evidently a faulty con- 
clusion, doubtless based on the state- 
ment of Capt. J. Smith, (Gen. Hist.) 
■who wrote simply " They fell with 
Monhegan the 11th of August." Of 
anchorage or tarry he has not a word. 
When Strachey's history appeared, 
he disclosed the stay of several days, 
but from his narration no one knew 
the place of the anchorage except to 
infer, by the aid of Mr. Major's quo- 
tation of Smith, that it was at Mon- 
hegan. This Lambeth MS. make3 
further disclosures of facts, omitted 
or garbled by Strachey. It shows 
the separation of the vessels on the 
voyage and well assures us that Pop- 
ham's ship did make landfall at 
Monhegan, but without tarrying 
sailed directly by to the Georges. 
Smith was correct respecting the lead- 
ing ship of the expedition ; he may 

have been ignorant of the movement 
of the other, or cared not in his brev- 
ity to make details. JJe wrote the 
general fact of the landfall in ap- 
proach to the coast ; that determined 
nothing concerning the anchorage, 
more than to make Hatteras or Port- 
land Light assures dropping anchor 
in the offing. Monhegan and Matini- 
cus were sufficiently well known to 
guide the pilots to the rendezvous. 

70. Gilbert was pursuing a ma- 
tured and politic plan to establish 
friendly relations with the Indians. 
Skidwarres was one of those captured 
by Way mouth. Gorges wrote the 
name Skitwarres, Skeetwarres; but 
Rosier, Skicowaros. (Burrage's 
Rosier, p, 161.) That he is now re- 
turned to this place and employed as 
ambassador and interpreter and 
shows thorough acquaintance with 
Pemaquid and the haunts of the sav- 
ages, furnishes strong evidence that 
he was abducted from this place. 
Rev. Dr. H. S. Burraffe inclines to this 



faier & the wynd Calme we rowed to the Weste in 
amongst many gallant Illands and found the ryver of 
pemaquyd 77 to be but 4 Leags weste from the Illand we 
Call St. Georges whear our ships remained still att anckor. 
hear we Landed in a Lyttell Cove 7S by skyd warres Di- 
rection & marched ouer a necke of the Land near three 
mills So the Indyan skidwarres brought us to the Sal- 
vages housses whear they did inhabitt although much 
against his will for that he told us that they wear all 
remoued & gon from the place they wear wont to in- 
habitt. but we answered hem again that we wold nott re- 
torn backe untill shutch time as we had spoken with 
Som of them. At Length he bWught us whear they 
did inhabytt whear we found near a hundreth of them 
men wemen and Children. And the Cheeffe Co- 
mander of them ys Nahanada 79 att our fryste Seight of 


opinion, though Rosier was quite in- 
definite. (Vide Burrage's Hosier's 
Rel., pp. 127, 134.) The party proba- 
bly started away at midnight, so as to 
reach the abodes of the savages in 
the early morn before they should 
be scattered for the day's hunting. 

77. The mouth of Pemaquid river 
is $}.! miles from the Georges Har- 
bor, and is due west on present vari- 
ation. Muscongus Bay is dotted 
with islands and rocks. (Vide 
Coast Survey Chart.) 

78. New Harbor is most probable 


and most helpful to their purpose. 
The distance across the neck to the 
west side is near three miles, but 
their boat, driven well up the cove, 
would lessen the walk. 

79. A native abducted by Way- 
mouth, and styled by Rosier " a chief 
or commander," who also writes his 
name Tahanedo, but Gorges, Deham- 
da ; this MS. has Dehanada ; he had 
been returned by Capt. Hanham the 
year before. (Vide Strachey, pp. 29, 



them uppon a howlinge or Cry that they mad they all 
presently Isued forth towards us w th thear bowes & ar- 
rows & we presently mad a stand & Suffered them to 
Com near unto us then our Indyan skidwarres spoke 
unto them in thear lan^ua^e showin^e them what we 
wear w cJl when nahanada thear Comander perseaved 
what we wear he Caussed them all to laye assyd thear 
bowes & arrowes and cam unto us and imbrassed us & 
we did the lyke to them aggain. So we remained wth 
them near to howers & wear in thear housses. Then 
w r e tooke our Leave of them & retorned w : h our Indyan 
skidwarres wth us towards our ships the 8th Daye of 
August being Satterdaye in the after noon. 

Sondaye 80 being the 9th of Auguste in the morninge 
the most pt of our holl company of both our shipes 
Landed on this Illand the wch we call St. Georges Illand 
whear the Crosse standeth and thear we heard a Ser- 
mon 81 delyvred unto us by our preacher 8 " gyvinge god 


80. Public divine worship, honor- 
ing the Sabbath, was fittingly hold 
about the cross which for two years 
bad stood a symbol of the entrance 
of a vanguard of a Christian nation 
upon heathen soil. The claim of 
Monhegan to this first religious ser- 
vice must be totally rejected. A pro- 
posed commemorative monument 
would have been indeed misplaced. 

The former controversy on the first 
Christian worship in New England 
will be recalled. 

81. "Srrmon"and "preacher" — 
terms more in favor among dissent- 
ers, — seem to make prominent that 
part of the service. (Vide J. W. 
Thornton, Esqr's Colonial Schemes 
of Popham and Gorges.) But there 
can be little doubt but that the usual 



thanks for our happy metinge & Saffe aryvall into the 
Contry & So retorned abord aggain. 

Mundaye beinge the X& of Auguste early in the 
morninge Capt. popham in his shallope w th thirty others 
& Cap 1 . Gilbert in his ships bott w tn twenty others. 
Acompanede Depted from thear shipes & sailled towards 
the ryver of pemaqu)'d 83 & Caryed w th us the Indyan skid- 
warres and Cam to the ryver ryght beffore thear housses 
whear they no Sooner espyed us but presently Nahanada 
w tn all his Indians w th thear bowes and arrows in thear 
hands Cam forth upon the Sands — So we Caussed skid- 
warres to speak unto hem & we our Selves spoC unto 
hem in Inglyshe givinge hem to understand our Com- 
inge tended to no yvell towards hem Selffe nor any of 
his peopell. he told us again he wold nott thatt all our 
peopell should Land. So beccause we woold in no sort 
offend them, hearuppon Som ten or twelffe of the Cheeff 
gent Landed & had Some parle together & then after- 

forms of the Anglican worship were 

82. Rev. Richard Seymour. Noth- 
ing is really known of this person. 
That he was a youthful scion of the 
Devonshire branch of the Seymour 
family is an inference drawn from 
family history, and quite confidently 
put forth by Rev. Bishop Burgess in 
the Popham Mem. Vol., pp. 101-4. 
A name is found that meets the re- 

quirements, and will show, for the 
supposed Seymour, family connection 
with the families of Gorges, Popham, 
Gilbert and Raleigh. The theory has 
a show of probability, but needs other 
support than genealogical tables. 

So. On this trip they rounded 
Pemaquid Point and sailed up to the 
river, avoiding the wearying march 


ward they wear well contented that all should Land So 
all landed we ussinge them with all the kindnesse that 
possibell we Could, neverthelesse after an hower or 
to they all Soddainly withdrew them Selves from us 
into the woods & Lefte us we perseavinge this presently 
imbarked our Selves all except skidwarres who was nott 
Desyerous to retorn with us. We Seeinge this woold 
in no Sort proffer any Violence unto hem by drawing 
hem perfforce Suffered hem to remain — and staye 
behinde us. he promyssinge to retorn unto us the next 
Daye followinge but he heald not his promysse 84 
So we imbarked our Selves and went unto the other 
Syd of the ryver 85 & thear remained uppon the shore the 
nyght followinge — 

Tuesdaye beinge the xj th of Auguste we retorned 
and cam to our ships whear they still remained att ankor 
under the Illand we call St. Georges — 

Wensdaye being the xijth of Auguste we waved our 
anckors and Sett our saills to go for the ryver of Saga- 
dehock we kept our Course from thence dew vVeste 86 
until 12 of the Clok mydnyght of the Sam then we 


84. From this time Skidwarres 
seems to have returned to a savage 

85. Across to the west side, having 
some suspicion of treachery. 

86. From Georges Harbor to Se- 
guin tho course is nearly S. by W. 

But presuming that the ships first 
sailed to the southward of Allen's 
Island to avoid the rocks and ledges 
in its vicinity, then due west, at the 
probable variation will be accurate 
for their general course to Seguin. 




stroke our Saills & layed a hull untill the mornynge 
Doutinge for to over shoot ytt — 

Thursdaye in the mornynge breacke of the daye 
beinge the xiijch of Auguste the Illand of Sutquin 87 bore 
north of us nott past halff a leage from us and ytt rysseth 
in this form hear under followinge the wch Illand Lyeth 
ryght beffore the mouth of the ryver of Sagadehocke 
South from ytt near 2 Leags but we did not make ytt to be 
Sutquin so we Sett our saills & stood to the westward 
for to Seeke ytt 2 Leags farther & nott fyndinge the 
ryver of Sagadehocke we knew that we had overshott 
the place then we wold have retorned but Could nott & 
the nyght in hand the gifte Sent in her shallop & mad 
ytt & went into the ryver this nyght but we wear con- 

87. Further proof that the pilot 
of the Mary and John had not been 
here previously. The Gift's pilot 
seems better acquainted. Here first 
appears this name for the island Se- 
guin. Capt. John Smith also uses it 
(1G16), in the form Satquin ; Capt. 
Brawnde (1010) Sodquine ; Council 
for N. Eng. (1022), Setquin. Rev. Dr. 
E. Ballard, in his study of our native 
geographical terms, regarded it as a 
Spanish word. It now appears occa- 
sionally as a personal surname of 
foreign origin ; and it is said that the 
Abbe" Seguin was in France the in- 
structor of the nephew of John Ran- 
dolph, of Roanoke. 

But Rev. M. C. O'Brien, of Bangor, 
a recognized authority in the Abnaki, 
esteems it " distinctly Indian," and 
shows that it comes from Sekkiigivin, 
meaning vomiting, or, one vomits, 
and is so interpreted in Rale's Dic- 
tionary. The early form Setquin or 
Sutquin arose by a change on the 
English ear and lips, of k into t, Sek- 
kagwin shortened becoming Setgwin. 
The meaning suggests that the na- 
tives, from the effect upon their 
stomachs, used this word respecting 
turbulent waters of fishing grounds 
off the mouth of the Kennebec, 
whence it was readily affixed to the 
noted sentinel island. 



strained to remain att Sea all this nyght and about myd- 
night thear arosse a great storme & tempest S3 uppon us 
the w cn putt us in great daunger and hassard of castinge 
awaye of our ship & our Lyves by reason we wear so 
near the shore the wynd blew very hard att South right 
in uppon the shore so that by no means we could nott 
gett of hear we sought all means & did what possybell 
was to be don for that our Lyves depended on ytt hear 
we plyed ytt wth our ship of & on all the nyght often 
times espyeinge many soonken rocks & breatches hard 
by us enforsynge us to put our ship about & stand from 
them bearinge saill when ytt was mor fytter to have 
taken ytt in but that ytt stood uppon our Lyves to do ytt 
& our bott Soonk att our stern yet woold we nott cut 
her from us in hope of the appearinge of the daye thus 
we Contynued untill the daye cam then we^perseaved 
our Selves to be hard abord the Lee shore k no waye to 
escape ytt but by Seekinge the Shore then we espyed 
2 Lyttell Illands 39 Lyeinge under our lee So we bore 

up the 

88. Sudden storms of wind and 
rain from the south or southwest are 
not infrequent. The Mary and John 
was beset by affrighting perils among 
the ledges off Small Point or by the 
Heron islands east, or those in Casco 
Bay on the west if, they beat so far. 

89. Cape Small Point is less than 
four nautical miles west of Seguin ; 

but no other than this will meet the 
requirements. The outermost point 
or true cape must be regarded as one 
of the islands, though it is now joined 
to the main land by a low neck of 
sand. It is 400 by GOO yards in ex- 
tent. Seal Island, 350 yards in 
length, lies northeast, nearer the 
land. Between the two is Seal cove, 



up the healme & steerd in our shipe in betwyxt them 
whear the Lord be praised for ytt we found good and 
sauffe ankkoringe & thear anckored the storme still con- 
tynuinge un till, the next daye followynge — 

in this form being South from ytt, 

beinge est & weste from the Illand of 
Sutqin ytt maketh in this form. 

Frydaye beinge the xiiij th of August that we anckored 
under these Illands thear we repaired our bott Being 
very muche torren & spoilled then after we Landed on 
this Illand & found 4 salvages & an old woman this 
Illand ys full of pyne trees & ocke and abundance of 
whorts of fower Sorts of them — 

Satterdaye beinge the 15th of Auguste the storme 
ended and the wind Cam faier for us to go for Sagade- 
hock so we wayed our anckors & Sett Saill & stood to 


400 yards broad, showing five 
fathoms, while directly behind Seal 
Island will be" found 0'^ feet. Stra- 
chey says the storm continued till 
noon. In Proc. Mass. His. Soc, 1880, 
p. 104, the statement in the notes that 
Strachey errs in saying the two 
islands were west of Sagadahoc is 
an inexplicable error of the writer 

or printer. R. K. Sewall, Esq., gives 
the Mary and John safety in Cape 
Newaggen harbor, or east of Seguin. 
(Vide Me. His. Coll., Vol. 7, p. 301.) 
The shuttlecock movements of the 
ships, as exhibited by Rev. J. S. C 
Abbott in his History of Maine, are 
the more surprising in so recent a 

6 4 


the estward & cam to the Illand of Sutquin vvch was 
2 Leases from those Illands we rod att anker beffor. & 
hear we anckored under the Illand of Sutqin 90 in the 
estersyd of yttior that the wynd was of the shore that 
wee could no gett into the ryver of Sagadehock & hear 
Cap*, pophams ships bott cam abord of us & gave us xx 
freshe Cods that they had taken beinge Sent out a fysh- 

Sondaye 91 beinge the 16th of Auguste Cap*, popham 
Sent his Shallop unto us for to healp us in So we wayed 
our anckors & beinge Calme we towed in our ship & 
Cam into the Ryver of Sagadehocke and anckored 92 by 
the gyfts Syd about xj of the Cloke the Sam daye — 

Mundaye 93 beinge the 17th Auguste Capt. popham 
in his shallop w th 30 others & Capt. Gilbert in his shipes 
bott accompaned w c h 18 other persons depted early in 


90. East of Seguin is good bottom 
in 7 to 9 fathoms. After the clear- 
ing of the storm the wind came in to 
the northwest, forcing them to re- 
main till the next forenoon. 

01. No mention of any religious 
service this day ; the two companies 
were separated ; to bring the delayed 
ship into the safety of the river was 
a chief concern. 

92. The place of first anchorage is 
wholly conjectural, but as reasonably 
not a great distance inside the Sugar 
Loaves. Here Champlain first cast 

anchor, July, 1605. But his map 
shows a ship lying close on the west 
of Stage Island, doubtless his subse- 
quent permanent anchorage. 

93. With commendable energy, 
they enter with Monday morning 
upon their undertaking. Fifty per- 
sons in all make this exploring trip. 
The size of the Gift's shallop can be 
in a measure judged, as it conveyed 
thirty persons. The same number 
had gone in it the Monday previous 
from Georges Harbor to Pemaquid. 



the morninge from thear ships & sailled up the Ryver 
of Sagadehock for to vew the Ryver & allso to See 
whear they myght fynd the most Convenyent place for 
thear plantation my Selffe beinge wth Cap r . Gilbert. So 
we Sailled up into this ryver near 14 Leags 94 and found 
ytt to be a most gallant ryver very brod & of a good depth 
we never had Lesse Watt 1 * then 3 fetham when we had 
Least 95 & abundance of greatt fyshe 96 in ytt Leaping 
aboue the \Vatt r on eatch Svd of us as we Sailled. So 
the nyght aprochinge after a whill we had refreshed our 
Selves uppon the shore about 9 of the Cloke we settback- 
ward to retorn & Cam abourd our shipes the next day 
following about 2 of the Clok in the afternoon 97 We 
fynd this ryver to be very pleasant wth many goodly 
Illands in ytt & to be both Large & deepe Wattr hav- 

94. Strachey, by careless trans- 
cribing, gave the number 40, — an im- 
possible distance. Even 14 is a large 

95. Strachey wrote " sest." In 
Proc. Mass. His. Soc, 1880, p. 104, the 
text is " zest," conjecturally amended 
" rest," to obtain sense for the clause. 
Our reading is lucid and applicable. 

96. The leaping of the sturgeon 
has ever been and in recent years 
very noticeable. Depositions to the 
fact were taken in land controversies 
of the company of the Kennebec Pur- 
chase, 17GO-70. The splash of a stur- 



geon falling back into the still water 
is now occasionally seen, though 
close fishing some ten years since 
almost exterminated them. 

97. If their departure in early 
morn be put even as late as b o'clock, 
then they were away 30 hours, 
which would consume the time of two 
flood and three ebb tides, or the con- 
verse. Some laborious progress 
against tide, or waiting till it favored, 
with going ashore for examinations, 
consumed the time. 

98. In a slight inspection would 
be included such creeks as Winne- 



inge many branches 98 in ytt that #ch we tooke bendeth 
ytt Selffe towards the northest — 

Tuesdaye beinge the 18th after our retorn we all 
went to the shore & thear mad Choies of a place for our 
plantation whch ys at the very mouth or entry of the 
Ryver of Sagadehocke on the West Syd of the Ryver 
beinge almoste an Illand" of a good bygness whylst we 
wear uppon the shore thear Cam in three Cannoos by 
us but they wold not Com near us but rowed up the 
Ryver & so past away — 

Wensday beinge the 19th Auguste we all went to 
the shore whear we mad Choise 100 for our plantation 
and thear we had a Sermon delyvred unto us by our 
precher and after the Sermon our pattent was red wch 
the orders & Lawes 101 thearin prescrybed & then we 
retorned abord our ships again — 


gance, Whiskeag, Chops, as well as 
Cathance, AbagaJasset and Eastern 
rivers. They passed up the true Ken- 
nebec, but how far no fact allows 
opinion save the inaccurate distance. 
Its general course from the sea to Au- 
gusta is nearly north. The Sagada- 
hoc proper, from the Sugar Loaves to 
the Chops, 18 miles by channel, trends 
west 3% statute miles. From the 
Chops through the bay and into the 
Kennebec channel there is a strong 
trend east, which they noticed. 
99. Vide Appendix (Location of 

fort). On the peninsula known as 
HunneweH's Point. Strachey says 
the Indian name was Sabino. 

100. This second choice may re- 
fer to the precise spot where they 
would fortify and to staking out the 
outlines of the work. 

101. Formal service of inaugura- 
tion of the enterprise. Their patent 
and laws ' were now promulgated, 
furnishing the framework of govern- 
ment under which their affairs must 
be conducted. Officials were now if 
not before made known; they had 



Thursdaye beinge the 20th of Auguste all our Com- 
panyes Landed & thear began to fortefye our presedent 
Capt popham Sett the fryst spytt of ground unto ytt and 
after hem all the rest followed & Labored hard in the 
trenches 102 about ytt. 

Frydaye the 2Jth of Auguste all hands Labored hard 

about the fort Som in the trentch Som for fagetts 103 & 

our ship Carpenters about the buildinge of a small penis 

or shallop. 104 


probably been selected before leaving 
England, but this act assigned them 
publicly to their several stations. 
They were not chosen by any pop- 
ular vote of the company. Bancroft 
says : " There was not an element of 
popular liberty in their charter." 
Smith writes of the organization as if 
it had been determined by the patrons 
in England, saying : " That honorable 
patron of virtue, Sir John Popham, 
Lord Chief Justice of England, * * 
sent Capt. George Popham for Presi- 
dent; Capt. Rawleigh Gilbert for Ad- 
miral ; Edward Harlow, Master of 
the Ordnance; Capt. Robert Davis, 
Sergeant Major; Capt. Ellis Best, 
Marshall ; Mr. Leaman, Secretary ; 
Capt. James Davis, to be Captain of 
the fort; Mr. Gome Carew to" be 
searcher; all these were of the coun- 
cil." (Genl. History, p. 9.) But 
Strachey writes that after the reading 
of the laws : " George Popham, gent, 

was nominated president ; Captain 

Raleigh Gilbert, James Daries, Rich- 

ard Seymour, preacher, Capt. Richard ** / -*' -- 1 

Davies, Capt. Harlow * * were 

all sworne assistants." (History, p. 


102. This suggests the nature of 
the fort, an earthwork thrown up 
with a surrounding trench. 

103. These could not have been 
for fuel, but for purposes of fortifica- 
tion. Bundles of branches, or small 
poles, would make the supporting 
inner face of the breastwork. No 
further hint is given of the materials 
used in its construction. Sullivan 
wrote of the remains of a fort on the 
west of the river, — that it was built of 
earth and stone. Persons living, who 
had been familiar with the later stage 
of the ruins, cannot recall any stone. 

104. The immediate prosecution 
of ship-building aimed at the posses- 
sion of a small vessel of their own 



Satterdaye the 22th Auguste Capt. popham early in 
the morninge depted in his shallop to go for the ryver of 
pashipskoke 105 thear they had parle w*h the Salvages 
again who delyvred unto them that they had ben att 
wars wth Sasanoa & had slain his Soone in fyght skid- 
wares and Dehanada wear in this fyght. 106 

Sondaye the 23^ our presedent Capt. popham re- 
torned unto us from the ryver of pashipscoke. 

The 24th all Labored about the fort. 

Tuesdaye the 25 th Capt. Gilbert imbarked hem Selffe 
w th 15 other w*h hem to go to the Westward uppon Som 
Discouery but the Wynd was contrary & forsed hem 
backe again the Sam daye. 

The 26th & 27 th all Labored hard about the fort. 

Frydaye the 28 th Cape. Gilbert w tn 14 others my 
Selffe beinge on Imbarked hem to go to the westward 
again 107 So the wynd Servinge we Sailled by many gal- 
lant Illands & towards nyght the winde Cam Contrary 

for coast or foreign use, when the 
vessels should be returned to Eng- 

105. The ancient Pejepscot. A 
variety of forms appear ; Bishops- 
cotte, Pechipscote, (Grant to Thos. 
Purchase) ; Peshippscot and Pashipp- 
scott, (Council, 1322), Beshipscot. 
(Will of Geo. Way, 1041); (Pechips- 
cutt, (Josselyn, 1003) ; Pagiscott, Pur- 
chase to Winthrop, 1039.) Their 


former trip above Merrymeeting Bay, 
took them up the eastern arm, or the 
true Kennebec; now they continue 
examination in the western arm, 
the Pejepscot or Androscoggin. 

10G. There had been a war of the 
natives at Chouakoet (Saco) which 
was reported Aug. 10th (N. S.) at St. 
Croix to Champlain, with the fact of 
the killing of two chiefs, Onemechin 
and Marchin, " by Sasinou, (Sasanoa) 



against us So that we wear Constrained to remain that 
nyght under the head Land called Semeamis whear we 
found the Land to be most fertill the trees growinge 
thear doth exceed for goodnesse & Length being the 
most pt of them ocke & wallnutt growinge a greatt space 
assoonder on from the other as our parks in Ingland 
and no thickett growinge under them hear wee also 
found a gallant place to fortefye whom Nattuer ytt 
Selffe hath already framed w th out the hand of man w th a 
runynge stream of watt r hard adjoyninge under the foott 
of ytt. 

Satterdaye the 29th Auguste early in the mornynge 
we depted from thence & rowed to the westward for 
that the wind was againste us but the wynd blew so 
hard that forsed us to remain under an Illand 108 2 Leags 


chief of the river Qainebequy." 
Later, as here shown, the Pemaquid 
and eastern Indians assault the Ken- 
nebecks, and a son of Sasinoa is 
killed. It is possible that Popham's 
party met the savages on return 
down river after having been on the 
war path. Champlain shows that 
subsequently the companions of 
Onemechin got revenge by killing 
Sasinoa, His son Peniemen succeed- 
ed him. (Voyages, Vol. II, chap, xiv.) 
107. The gallant islands were in 
Casco Bay ; the headland where they 
tarried, some part of Cape Elizabeth. 

Their site for a fortification can only 
be conjectured. It is a fair presump- 
tion that sailing from Small Point 
along by the gallant islands of Casco 
Bay, they did not go inside of Peaks 
and Bang's Islands, and therefore 
reached Cape Elizabeth not far from 
Portland Light, and so may have 
tarried over night in Ship Cove. 
Indeed, from this point to Richmond's 
Island, where they were forced to put 
in, is six miles, or the two leagues of 
their estimate. 

108. Richmond's Island. 



from the place we remayned the night beffore whilst 
we remayned under this Illand thear passed to Cannoos 
by us but they wold nott Com neare us after mydnyght 
we put from this Illand in hope to have gotten the 
place we dessyered 109 but the wind arose and blew so 
hard at Southwest Contrary for us that forsed us to 

Sondaye beinge the 30 th Auguste retornynge beffore 
the wynd we sailled by many gooly Illands for betwixt 
this head Land called Semeamis 110 & the ryver of Saga- 
dehock ys a great baye in the w^h Lyethu So many 
Illands & so thicke & neare together that yo Cannott 
well desern to Nomber them yet may yo go in betwixt 
them in a good ship for yo shall have never Lesse 
Watt r the 8 fethams these Illands ar all overgrowen w th 
woods very thicke as ocks wallnut pyne trees & many 
other things growinge as Sarsaperilla hassell nuts & 
whorts in aboundance So this day we retorned to our 
fort att SaQ-adehock. 


Munday being the Last of Auguste nothinge 
hapened but all Labored for the buildinge of the fort & 
for the storhouse to reseave our vyttuall. 


109. This purpose to reach a de- 
finite place shows knowledge of this 
part of the coast, derived from pre- 
vious explorers. 

110. The name in use by the 

natives, says Strachey (p. 302,), who 
also gives the latitude 43}£°. Port- 
land Head Light is in 43°, 37', and the 
Breakwater Light in 43°, 39', (Blunt, 
p. 800) and the Cape Light, 43°, 33'. 


Tuesday the first of September thear Cam a Canooa 
unto us in the w c h was 2 greatt kettells 111 of brasse Som 
of our Company did parle w*H them but they did rest 
very doutfull of us & wold nott Suffer mor then on att 
a tyme to Com near unto them So he depted The 
Second daye third & 4th nothinge hapened worth the 
wryttinge but that eatch man did his beste endevour 
for the buildinge of the fort. 

Satterdaye beinge the 5th of Septembr thear Cam into 
the entraunce of the ryver of Sagadehocke nine Canoos 
in the wch was Dehanada & skidwarres w tn many others 
in the wholl near fortye persons men women & Children 
they Cam & parled wth us & we aggain ussed them in 
all frindly maner We Could & gave them vyttaills for to 
eatt So skidwarres & on more of them stayed w th us 
untill nyght the rest of them withdrew them in thear 
Canooas to the farther Syd of the ryver. but when 
nyght Cam for that skidwares woold needs go to the 
rest of his Company Capt Gilbert acompaned w th James 
Davis & Capt. ellis best took them into our bott & 
Caryed them to thear Company on the farther syd the 
ryver & thear remained amongst them all the nyght & 
early in the mornynge the Sallvages depted in thear 
Canooas for the ryver of pemaquid promyssinge Cap c . 


111. Noticeable because proving intercourse with Europeans. 



Gilbert to acompany hem in thear Canooas to the ryver 
of penobskott whear the bashabe remayneth. 

The 6 th nothinge happened the 7th our ship the Mary 
& John began to discharge 112 her vyttualls. 

Tuesday beinge the 8th Septembr Capt. Gilbert acom- 
paned wth xxij others my Selffe beinge on of them 
depted from the fort to go for the ryver of penobskott 
takinge w th hem divers Sorts of M r chandise for to trad 
w th the Bashabe 1 ' 3 who ys the Cheeffe Comander of those 
pts but the wind was Contrary againste hem so that he 
could nott Com to dehanada & skidwares at the time 
apointed for ytt was the xj^ h daye beffor he Could gett 
to the ryver of pemaquid Whear they do make thear 

112. This indicates that by this 
date, buildings or shelters for their 
stores had beeD constructed. 

113. The name or title of a native 
chief of Penobscot. The early Eng- 
lish writers were led to believe or to 
infer that it was a title applied to a 
sachem of superior rank and author- 
ity. Others, especially the French, 
who were more intimately acquainted 
with the Indians frequently write it 
as if it were merely the name of a 
prominent chief. {Vide Article by 
Hon. J. E. Godfrey, in Me. Plis. Col., 
Vol. 7.) The home of the Bashaba, 
which has been ordinarily assigned 
to the Penobscot region but never 


definitely, is quite clearly located by 
the Jesuit Biard in the account of 
his visit in 1611. (Carayon.) "There- 
fore having gone up the current of 
the river three leagues at most, we 
fell in with a fine river called Chi- 
boctous which flows from the north- 
east and falls into the great Pente- 
goet. At the confluence of the two 
rivers was the finest community of 
savages I had yet seen. There were 
eighty canoes and one shallop, eight- 
een cabins and as many as three 
hundred souls. The principal saga- 
m ire was called Betsabes, a man 
discreet and very sedate." 




Frydaye beinge the xj cn in the mornynge early we 
Cam into the ryver of pemaquyd thear to Call nahanada 
& skidwarres as we had promyste them but beinge thear 
aryved we found no Lyvinge Creatuer they all wear gon 
from thence the wch we perseavinge presently depted 
towards the ryver of penobskott Saillinge all this daye 
& the xijth & xiijth the Lyke yett by no means Could we 
fynd ytt" 4 So our vitall beinge spent we hasted to retorn 
So the wynd Cam faier for us & we Sailled all the 14th 
& 15th dayes in retornynge the Wind blowinge very hard 
att north & this mornynge the 15th daye we pseaved a 
blassing star 115 in the northest of vs. 

The 1 6th 17th 1 8th 19th 20th 2J th 22th nothinge hap- 
ened but all Labored hard about the fort & the store 
house for to Land our wvttaills. 

The 23th beinge Wensdaye Capt. Gilbert acompaned 
wth 19 others my Selffe on of them depted from the 
fort to go for the head of the ryver of Sagadehock 116 


114. Their failure to find the Pe- 
nobscot may have been due to the 
extensive bay with its arms and 

1 13. A meteor, doubtless unusally 

116 An attempt to explore the 
Kennebec as far as possible. Sailing 
two days and a part of a third, the 
party reached an island. The Eng- 
lish editor of Strachey (p. 304) sug- 


gests Swan island, which is just 
above Merrymeeting Ray, only some 
25 miles from the mouth of the river. 
But their previous trip must have 
taken them beyond this place ; also 
to reach only this in two days and a 
half would show exceeding slow 
progress ; nor does the downfall of 
water exist ; nor is the island low 
and flat. Indeed, Mr. Major's igno- 
rance of the features of the river 



we Sailled all this daye So did we the Lyke the 24 th 
untill the evenynge then we Landed thear to remain that 
Nyght hear we found a gallant Champion Land & exceed- 
dinge fertill So hear we remayned all nyght. 

The 25 th beinge frydaye early in the mornynge we 
depted from hence & sailled up the ryver about eyght 
Leags farther untill we Cam unto an Illand beinge Lo 
Land & flatt att this Illand ys a great down Fall of wattr 

* « the 

made his query but a mere guess, 
and wholly worthless. No other 
island is found agreeing with the 
conditions below Augusta, the head 
of the tide. But at this point, before 
the building of the dam, and just 
above it, was formerly known a low 
flat island now covered by the flow- 
age of the dam. It was called " Cush- 
noc Island " in the survey of the 
Plymouth Co., 1750. (Vide Map 
and S. Goodwin's Deposition.) By 
it formerly ran a rapid current so 
that boats were accustomed to warp 
through unless favored with a strong 
wind. (Vide Rev. Mr. Bartlett's 
notes to Strachey, Me. His. Coll., Vol. 
3, p. 304.) The island lay near the 
eastern bank ; towards the west was 
a large rock known as " Old Coon," 
about which the current whirled, 
boiled and roared fiercely. (Vide 
North's Hist. Augusta, p. 451.) 

This island precisely meets the re- 
quirements, and discloses beyond 

question the place reached by the 
party. Through this swift current 
by Cushnoc island and near the pres- 
ent locks, they pulled their shallop. 
Augusta is bv the course of the river 
about 42 statute miles from Fort 
Popham. Gilbert must have ad- 
vanced much further this time than 
on the former trip, so that the esti- 
mate " fourteen leagues " must have 
been much exaggerated. The sug- 
gestions of Dr. John McKeen, (Me. 
His. Coll., Vol. 3, p. 322), that Gilbert 
at this time went up the Androscog- 
gin as far as Little River Falls, will 
not probably now meet with the least 
favor. He seems also to regard it 
possible that Capt. Popham on the 
previous trip, and Capt. Waymouth 
likewise reached these falls. But 
more surprising is his further opin- 
ion, (p. 310) in support of these 
shadowy theories, " that boats might 
have been towed over the rapids " of 
Pejepscot, i. e., Brunswick Falls ! 



the wch runeth by both Sydes of this Illand very swyfte 
& shallow in this Illand we found greatt store of grapes 
exceedinge good and sweett of to Sorts both red butt 
the on of them ys a mervellous deepe red. by both the 
syds of this ryver the grapes grow in aboundance & allso 
very good Hoppes" 7 & also Chebolls" 8 & garleck. and 
for the goodnesse" of the Land ytt doth so far abound 
that I Cannott allmost expresse the Sam hear we all 
went ashore & wth a stronge Rope made fast to our bott* 
& on man in her to gyde her aggainst the Swyfte stream 
we pluckt her up throwe ytt pforce after we had past 
this down-Fall we all went into our bott again & rowed 
near a Leage farther up into the ryver & nyght beinge 
att hand we hear stayed all nyght. & in the fryst of the 
night about ten of the Cloke thear Cam on the farther 
syd of the ryver sartain Salvages Callinge unto us in 
broken inglyshe 119 we answered them aggain So for this 
time they depted. 1 


117. The Hop vine (Tlumulus lu- 
pulus), which is regarded as indig- 
enous, though now usually found 
under cultivation. 

118. Cheholls, to which the French 
word ciboule gives the key, means an 
onion. This and garlic plainly refer 
to plants of the genus Allium, which 
are natives of Maine. 

119. A fragmentary acquaintance 
w;th the language by these savages 


is proof of considerable intercourse 
with Englishmen already, although 
we have no knowledge that any had 
frequented this river before Pring's 
visit of the previous year. It must 
be held quite certain that English 
fishermen for some years had pur- 
sued their vocation at and near Sag- 

120. This word, frequently occur- 
ring, is an evident contraction for 

7 6 


The 26thbeinge Satterdaye thear Cam a Canooa unto 
us & in hear fower salvages those that had spoken unto 
us in the nyght beffore his name that Came unto us ys 
Sabenoa 121 he macks hemselffe unto us to be Lord of 
the ryver of Sagadehock. 122 

End: The relation of Whole Voyage to Virginia, 

New England, 
1607. 123 

"departed." This and a few others 
bear in the MS. a circumflex indica- 
ting the contraction, which cannot be 
exhibited in type. 

121. In view of the diverse forms 
of aboriginal names, as the English 
spoke or wrote them, this name may 
be regarded as the same as Sabino, 
the territory about the Sagadahoc. 
Champlain shows that the Indians of 
the interior were accustomed to mi- 
grate to the mouth of the river for 
fishing in the summer, and his map 
shows their huts along the beach. 
This fact will suggest connection 
between this tribe, whose chief was 
" Sebenoa, Lord of the Sagadahoc," 
and the peninsula bearing the name 
at the mouth of the river. In their 
summer residence here, they had 
been conversant with fishermen or 
traders so as to learn the broken Eng- 
lish they now employed. 

122. At this point the MS. ends 

abruptly at the bottom of the page. 
The loss of a portion, — perhaps a 
single leaf only, — can be quite con- 
fidently claimed. This opinion gains 
strong support from the narrative of 
Strachey. That the Lambeth MS., 
-—or the original of which that may 
have been a copy, — was his chief 
source of information respecting the 
expedition, seems very certain. The 
personal journal is simply rewritten, 
with omissions and condensation, 
into a narrative form for his history. 
( Vide Introduction, p. 10.) The 
portion which succeeds the termina- 
tion of our MS. is precisely similar 
in style to what precedes, and is so 
evidently a part of the same narra- 
tive, that it must have been drawn 
from the same source. The missing 
portion therefore would have carried 
the journal forward some ten days or 

12:J. This subscription must have 


[The remainder of the narration is takeii from Chap. 
X. of the "Historie of Travaile into Virginia'' by Wm. 
Strachey, as rep? inted in the Collections of Me. Hist. Soc, 
Vol. 3, pp. 304-9.] 

They entertayned him friendly, and tooke him into 
their boat and presented him with some triffling things, 
which he accepted; howbeyt, he desired some one of 
our men to be put into his canoa as a pawne of his 
safety, whereupon Captain Gilbert sent in a man of his, 
when presently the canoa rowed away from them with 
all the speed they could make up the river. 124 They fol- 
lowed with the shallop, having great care that the 
Sagamo should not leape overbourd. The canoa quick- 
ly rowed from them and landed, and the men made to 
their howses, being neere a league on the land from the 
river's side, and carried our man with them. The shal- 
lop making good waye, at length came to another downe- 
fa.ll,'- 5 which was so shallowe and soe swift, that by noe 


been added at the end of the MS. by 
a later hand, doubtless by Griffith, 
who wrote the title. (Vide Note 32.) 
121. This adventure with the In- 
dians indicates a degree of friendli- 
ness on their part, but also duplicity 
and treachery. It required nerve and 
courage for Gilbert and a few men to 
follow those savages to their houses. 
The distance is not indicated, but as 

they advanced beyond the second 
fall — Bacon's Rips — a fair conjecture 
will place this Indian Tillage at some 
point upon Seven Mile Brook in the 
town of Vassalboro. 

12"). Five miles above Cushnoc 
are " Bacon's Kips," now well known, 
but nearly obliterated by the tlowage 
of the dam. Before its erection there 
was a descent at this point of nearly 


meanes they could passe any further, 126 for which, Captain 
Gilbert, with nine others, landed and tooke their fare, the 
salvadge Sagamo, with them, and went in search after 
those other salvages, whose howses, the Sagamo told 
Captain Gilbert, were not farr off ; and after a good tedi- 
ous march, they came indeed at length unto those sal- 
vages' howses wheere found neere fifty able men very 
strong and tall, such as their like before they had not 
seene ; all newly painted and armed with their bowes 
and arrowes. Howbeyt, after that the Sagamo had 
talked with them, they delivered back again the man, 
and used all the rest very friendly, as did ours the like 
by them, who shewed them their comodities of beads, 
knives, and some copper, of which they seemed very 
fond ; and by waye of trade, made shew that they would 
come downe to the boat and there brine: such things as 
they had to exchange them for ours. Soe Captain Gil- 
bert departed from them, and within half an howre 




three feet in a short distance. (His- 
tory of Augusta, by J. W. North, Esq., 
p. 450-454.) 

126. A keel boat could not have 
been forced through these rapids, and 
here manifestly the boat's progress 
ended, and the tedious march was 
made into the woods to the Indian 

Nothing in the narrative hints upon 
which side of the river were the 

cabins of the natives, but probably 
on the east. For in this vicinity forty 
years later was built the rude chapel 
in which the Jesuit Father Gabriel 
Dreuillets ministered. (Shea's Cath. 
Missions, p. 137. Parkman's Jesuits 
in N. A., p. 323.) Here, or near 
Cushnoc, was a graveyard, also 
cleared land, proof of a center of 


after he had gotten to his boat, there came three canoas 
down unto them, and in them some sixteen salvages, and 
brought with them some tobacco and certayne small 
skynes, which where of no value ; which Captain Gil- 
bert perceaving, and that they had nothing ells where- 
with to trade, he caused all his men to come abourd, 
and as he would have putt from the shore ; the sal- 
vadges perceiving so much, subtilely devised how they 
might put out the fier in the shallop, by which meanesthey 
sawe they should be free from the danger of our men's 
pieces, 127 and to performe the same, one of the salvadges 
came into the shallop and taking the fier brand which one 
of our company held in his hand thereby to light the 
matches, as if he would light a pipe of tobacco, as sone 
as he had gotten yt into his hand he presently threw it 
into the water and leapt out of the shallop. Captain 
Gilbert seeing that, suddenly commanded his men to 
betake them to their musketts and the targettiers too, 
from the head of the boat, and bad one of the men 
before, with his targett on his arme, to stepp on the 


127. Guns at that time were 
ponderous affairs and fired by a 
match or fuse, which must in some 
way be kept burning. These Indians 
had already been so far conversant 
with Europeans, as to learn the 
nature of firearms and the manner 
of their use. It was a bold and cun- 

ning exploit for this agile savage to 
spike the Englishman's guns, as we 
might say, by throwing overboard 
the firebrand. The party was put 
in no small jeopardy ; a hasty or 
injudicious act would have brought 
on a fatal encounter. 

& -"~" """" w ' 


shore for more fier; the salvages resisted him and would 
not suffer him to take any, and some others holding 
fast the boat roap that the shallop could not pott off. 
Captain Gilbert caused the musquettiers to present their 
peeces, the which, the salvages seeing, presently let go 
the boatroap and betooke them to their bowes and ar- 
rowes, and ran into the bushes, nocking their arrowes, 
but did not shoot, neither did ours at them. So the 
shallop departed from them to the further side of the 
river, where one of the canoas came unto them, and 
would have excused the fault of the others. Captain 
Gilbert made shew as if he were still friends, and enter- 
tayned them kindlye and soe left them, returning to the 
place where he had lodged the night before, and there 
came to an anchor for that night. The head of the 
river standeth in 45 degrees and odd mynutts. I2S Upon 
the continent they found aboundance of spruse trees 
such as are able to maast the greatest ship his majestie 
hath, and many other trees, oke, walnutt, pineaple ; 129 
fish, aboundance ; great store of grapes, hopps, chi- 
balls, also they found certaine codds' 3 ° in which they sup- 
posed the cotton wooll to grow, and also upon the 
bancks many shells of pearle. 

27. Here they sett up a crosse and then returned 
homeward, in the way seeking the by river of some note 




called Sasanoa. 131 This daye and the next they sought 
yt, when the weather turned fowle and full of fog and 
raine, they made all hast to the fort before which, the 
29th, they arrived. 

30. and 1 and 2 of October, all busye about the 

3. There came a canoa unto some of the people 
of the fort as they were fishing on the sand, in which 
was Skidwares, who badd them tell their president that 
Nahanada, with the Bashabaes brother, and others, were 

on the 

128. Capt. Gilbert's purpose in 
this trip was " to go for the head of 
the river," or, as we should under- 
stand, to find its source. They may 
indeed have regarded this termina- 
tion of boat navigation at the rapids, 
as the head. DeLaet so under- 
stands it. If so, this erroneous lati- 
tude, — for Augusta is in about 4-1° 
15', — may have been derived by cal- 
culation from the estimated distance 
they had advanced inland from their 
fort, whose latitude they knew. 
Moosehead Lake does indeed lie 
between 4o° 23' and 45° 5-3', which 
would certify the statement, but it 
does not seem that they could have 
learned its location. 

120. The designation of a variety 
of pine, and doubtless equivalent to 
Pinaster, the name of a European 
species, called also the cluster-pine, 
from the clusters of cones. Our 


native pitchpine (Pinus rlgida ) is 
probably intended. 

130. Pods. ( Vide Rosier's True Re- 
lation, p. 142, note, by the editor, Rev. 
H. S. Barrage.) A number of native 
plants have seed vessels lined with 
soft or silken fibres similar to cotton. 
The Azclepias, or silkweed, is an 

131. On Aug. 22, in their trip to 
Pejepscot, they had met natives, 
evidently a party of Pemaquid In- 
dians, with Skidwarres or Nahanada, 
who told of the previous fight. This 
party may have described to them 
how they came into the Kennebec by 
the cross route from Boothbay Har- 
bor, without entering its mouth near 
their fort. The term here used " by- 
river," accurately applies to this 
tidal river, and to no other. Clearly, 
it must have been the one they 
sought ; yet they seem to have sup- 



on the further side of the river/ 32 and the next daie 
would come and visitt him. 

4. There came two canoas to the fort, in which were 
Nahanada and his wife, and Skidwares, and the Bassha- 
baes brother, and one other called Amenquin, 133 a Saga- 
mo ; all whome the president feasted and entertayned 
with ali kindnes, both that day and the next, which being 
Sondaye, the president carried them with him to the 
place of publike prayers, which they were at both morn- 
ing and evening, attending yt with great reverence and 

6. The salvadges departed all except Amenquin 
the Sagamo, who would needes staye amongst our people 
a longer tyme. Upon the departure of the others, the 
president gave unto every one of them copper beades, 
or knives, which contented them not a little, as also 


posed the entrance to it was much 
higher up the Kennebec than in fact. 
By the time they reached Arrowsic 
Gut, now opposite the city of Bath, 
the foul weather prevented their no- 
ticing or turning into this narrow 
strait to explore it. This is tht$ chief 
statement locating the Sasanoa River. 
In the work of Purchas (Pilgrimes, 
Vol. l,p. 75-3,) is mention that " in the 
Tarratine's country, the savages tell 
of a rock of alum near the River 
Sasnowa," which has been conjeetu 
rally assigned to a huge boulder in the 

marsh on the Woolwich shore, a half 
mile above Ilockamock Point, and 
near the ancient ferry. ( Vide Rev. 
Dr. Ballard in Hist. Magazine, Vol. 3, 
p. 164.) To this rock has been at- 
tached the marvellous legend that 
it turns around when the cock crows. 

132. Stage Island, or Indian Point, 
frequented by the natives. 

133. The only reference to this 
Indian, save what appears in Turchas, 
who says that he stripped off his 
beaver dress to give it to the presi- 



delivered a present unto the Basshabae's brother, and 
another for his wife, giving him to understand that he 
would come unto his court in the river of Penobscot, 
and see him very shortly, bringing many such like of his 
country commodityes with him. 134 

You maie please to understand how, whilst this busi- 
nes was' thus followed here, soone after their first arrivall, 
that had dispatch't away Capt. Robert Davies, in the Mary 
and John, 135 to advertise of their safe arrival and forward- 
ness of their plantacion within this river of Sachadehoc, 
with letters to the Lord Chief Justice, ymportuninge a 
supply for the most necessary wants to the subsisting 
of a colony, to be sent unto them betymes the next 


(Me. Hist. Coll., Vol. 6, p. 352,) " In 

barbarous Latin, and greatly exag- 



134. End of daily journal as copied 
by Strachey. The subjoined portion 
is his general summary of chief events 
till the breaking up of the colony. 
The change of style is manifest. 

135. A letter of Sir F. Gorges, 
now obtained, shows that one ship 
had sailed early in October. (Vide 
Literature, post.) In all probability 
this was the departure here men- 
tioned, and not of the second vessel, 
which, according to Gorges, (Brief 
Narration, Me. Hist. Coll., Vol. 2, p. 
21) sailed on the loth of Dec, carry- 
ing the letter of President Popharn to 
the King, dated Dec. 13, 1G07. ( Vide 
copy of letter in Literature, post.) Of 
this letter Hon. Wm. Willis said, 

gerated in its description of the 
products of the country and in its 
sickening adulation of the pedant 
king." See also Appendix,— Move- 
ments of the ships. 

130. If Strachey 's knowledge of 
the facts was accurate, why such a 
request was made of the patrons is 
not clear, unless to suggest to them 
that the colony could not be self-sup- 
porting, and an increase of numbers 
as originally proposed, would require 
large supplies. His statement, be- 
low, in regard to Davies' arrival, im- 
plies that no colonists were sent. 



After Capt. Davies' departure they fully finished the 
fort, trencht and fortefied yt with twelve pieces of ordi- 
naunee, 137 and built fifty howses, 138 therein, besides a 
church 139 and a storehowse ; and the carpenters framed 
a pretty Pynnace of about some thirty tonne, which they 
called the Virginia ; the chief ship wright beinge one 
Digby of London. 

Many discoveries likewise had been made both to 
the mayne and unto the neighbour rivers, and the fron- 
tier nations fully discovered by the diligence of Capt. 
Gilbert, had not the wynter proved soe extreame unsea- 
sonable and frosty; 140 for yt being in the yeare 1607, 
when the extraordinary frost was felt in most parts of 
Europe, yt was here likewise as vehement, by which 



137. " Demi-culverins of nine 
pounds, or sakers of six pounds, 
twelve in all." (Hon. W. Willis, Pop- 
ham Memorial Vol., p. 47.) The 
saker was a gun, eight to ten feet 
long, of three to four inches in bore. 
The culverin was a long slender gun, 
generally an eighteen-pounder. One 
still is preserved at Dover Castle, 
and bears the name of Queen Eliza- 
beth's Pocket Pistol. 

138. Some clerical error must 
have crept in ; " fifty houses " is a 
number wholly absurd, representing 
accommodations for several hundred 

people. (Vide Appendix, for descrip- 
tion, in Location of Colony.) 

139. It appears as an evident pur- 
pose of the administration of the 
colony to maintain religious worship, 
for which a small separate structure 
would be provided. 

110. Gorges, in the Brief Narra- 
tion, mentions the inclement season, 
" the great and unseasonable cold ; " 
'■ that extremity as the like hath not 
been heard of since, and it seems 
was universal, it being the same year 
that our Thames was so locked up 
that they built boats upon it." (Me. 
Hist. Coll., Vol. 2, p. 22.) 


noe boat could stir upon any busines. Howbeyt, as 
tyme and occasyon gave leave, there was nothing 
omitted which could add unto the benefitt or knowledg 
of the planters, for which when Capt. Davies arrived 
there in the yeare following 141 (sett out from Topsam, the 
port towne of Exciter, with a shipp laden full of vitualls, 
armes, instruments and tooles, etc.,) albeyt, he found Mr. 
George Popham, the president, and some other dead, 
yet he found all things in good forwardness, and many 
kinds of furrs obteyned from the Indians by way of 
trade ; good store of sarsaparilla 142 gathered, and_the new 
pynnace all finished. But by reason that Capt. Gilbert 
received letters that his brother was newly dead, 143 and a 
faire portion of land fallen unto his share, which re- 
quired his repaier home, and noe mynes discovered, nor 
hope thereof, being the mayne intended benefit expected 
to uphold the charge of this plantacion, and the feare 
that all other wynters would prove like the first, the 
company by no means would stay any longer in the 
country, especyally Capt. Gilbert being to leave them, 
and Mr. Popham, as aforesaid, dead ; wherefore they 
all ymbarqued in this new arrived shipp, and in the new 

141. Vide Appendix, — Movements 
of the ships. 

142. Held in high repute in Eng- 
land for its medicinal virtues. 


143. Sir John Gilbert died July 
8, 1G08. The ship bearing supplies, 
sailed soon after. 



pynnace, the Virginia, and sett saile for England. 144 And 
this was the end of that northerne colony uppon the 
river Sachadehoc. 

144. " At Sagadahoc, disappointed 
hopes of gain, and unmanly fear, 
lowered the red cross flag of St. 

George." (J. TVingate Thornton, 
Esq., Congl. Quarterly, 1863, p. 146.) 

raft i» 






Monte Mt. 










Ancient Sizocidcilioc 
and flic 

Fin ins n7 n of' Sab i no 
Scale 407000 




]!HE Sagadahoc Colony necessarily enters the 
annals of North America. It has been 
noticed by nearly all writers upon general 

history, and finds place in all outlines of beginnings in 
the New World. A few sources of information, however, 
comprise all the original facts, while only repetitions ap- 
pear elsewhere. 

A survey of all that is important in its literature 
will exhibit the successive stages by which our present 
knowledge has been obtained. 


1. "Purchas, his Pilgrirues," by Saml. Purchas, London, 1G14, 
2d Ed., enlarged, p. 756. 

An. 1607, was settled a plantation in the^river Sagadahoc ; the 
ships called the "Gift" and the "Mary and 
a. James Davies. John," a being sent hither by that famous Eng- 
lish Justicer, Sir John Popham, and others. They 





found this coast of Virginia full of islands, but safe. They chose 
the place of their plantation at the mouth of the Sagadahoc in a 
westerly peninsula : there heard a sermon, read their patent and laws 
and built a fort. They sailed up to discover the river and country, 
and encountered with an island where was a great fall of water, 
over which they hauled their boat with a rope, and came to another 
fall, shallow, swift, and impassable. They found the country stored 
with grapes, white and red, good hops, onions, garlic, oaks, walnuts, 
the soil good. The head of the river is in forty-five and odde 
minutes. Cape Sinieamis is in 43° 30', a good place to fortify. 

Their fort bare name of Saint George. Forty-five 

b. Jo. Eliot. G. b ■ . J 

Pop. Let. to s. I. Gil- remained there, b Captain George Popham being 

President, Raleigh Gilbert, AdmiraJ. The people 
seemed affected with our men's devotions, and would say, King 
James is a good king, his God a good God and Tanto naught. 
So they call an evil spirit which haunts them every moon, and makes 
them worship him for fear. He commanded them not to dwell near 
or come among the English, threatening to kill some and inflict sick- 
ness on others, beginning with two of their Sagamos children, say- 
ing he had power and would do the like to the English the next } 
moon, to wit, in December. 
c. Kai. Gilbert. ^he people told our men of cannibalsd near 

d. rhescseemtobe r L 

tte deformed Armou- Sagadahoc with teeth three inches long, but they 

cluquois, made m tbe ° w J 

telling more dread- saw them not In the river of Tamescot they 

found oysters nine inches in length, and were 
told that on the other side there were twice as great. On the 18th 
of January they had in seven hours space, thunder, lightning, rain, 
frost, snow, all in abundance, the last continuing. On February 
5 the president died. The savages remove their dwellings in 
winter nearest the deer. They have a kind of shoes a yard long, 



fourteen inches broad, made like a racket, with strong twine or 
sinews of a deer ; in the midst is a hole wherein they put their foot 
buckling it fast. When a Sagamos dieth they black themselves 
and at the same time yearly renew their mourning with great howl- 
ing ; as they then did for Kashurakeny, who died the year before. 
They report that the cannibals have a sea behind them. They 
found a bath two miles about so hot that they could not drink it. 

Mr. Patteson was slain by the savages of Nanhoc, 

e. Edward Hariey. a river of the Tarentines. Their short commons 6 

caused fear of mutiny. One of the savages called 
Aminquin for a straw bat and knife given him stripped himself of 
his clothing of beavers' skins worth in England fifty shillings or 
three pounds to preseDt them to the president, leaving only a flap to 
cover his privities. He would also have come with them for Eng- 
land. In the winter they are poor f and weak 

f. other notes ap. arH } fi n0 ^ then company with their wives but 

in summer when they are fat and lusty. But 
your eyes wearied with this Northern view, which in that winter 
communicated with us in extremity of cold, look now for greater 
hopes in the Southern Plantation as the right arm of this Virginian 
body, with greater costs and numbers furnished from hence. 

In subsequent editions of Purchas's work there is no 
enlargement of this sketch. In that of 1624, Vol. 4, 
p. 1837, there is mention of some sources of his informa- 
tion. He says: 

I had the voyage of Capt. Thos. Hauham written by himself 

unto Sagadahoc ; also the journals of Master Kawley Gilbert who 

fortified there in the unseasonable winter (fit to freeze the heart of 

a Plantation), 



a Plantation), of James Davies, John Eliot, &c. I have the voyage 
of Master Edward Harlie one of the first who went with Popham 
and Nicholas Hobson to those parts in 1611, with divers letters from 
Capt. Popham and others. 


In this year, Capt. John Smith printed in London a 
sketch of his discoveries, and his observations, entitled, 
" A Description of New England/' This contains two 
brief references to our subject. 

Describing his anchorage at Monhegan, Smith adds : 145 

Eight against us in the main was a ship of Sir Francis Popham 
that had there such an acquaintance, having many years used only 
that porte, that the most part 146 was had by him. 

Northward six or seven degrees, 147 is the river Sagadahoc 
where was planted the western colony by that honorable patron of 
virtue, Sir John Popham, Lord Chief Justice of England. 148 


A small pamphlet was published this year in Lon- 
don, the title of which shows its source and purpose : 
" A Brief Relation of the Discovery and Plantations of 


145. Mass. Hist. Coll., 3 Ser., Vol. VI, p. 103. 

14G. i. e. ol the trade with the natives. 

147. Of the Southern or Jamestown Colony. 

148. Mass. Hist. Coll., 3 Ser., Vol. VI. p. 103. 



New England, by the President and Council." It briefly 
sketches events from 1607 to date 1622, being put forth 
as an authorized statement in behalf of the Council, — 
the superintending board of affairs under the charter. 
It narrates the steps leading to the charter of 1606; 
the preparatory but disappointing voyage of Challons, 
then that of Hanham who returned with so favorable 
report that the parties previously interested were now 
" willing to join in the charge for sending over a compe- 
tent number of people to lay the ground of a hopeful 

It continues : 149 

Hereupon Captain Popham, Captain Rawley Gilbert, and others 
were sent away with two ships and an hundred landmen, ordnance 
and other provisions necessary for their sustentation and defence, 
until other supply might be sent. In the meanwhile, before they 
could return, it pleased God to take from us this worthy member, 
the Lord Chief Justice, whose sudden death did so astonish the 
hearts of the most part of the adventurers, as some grew cold and 
some did wholly abandon the business. Yet Sir Francis Popham, 
his son, certain of his private friends, and other of us, omitted not 
the next year, (holding on our first resolution,) to join in sending 
forth a new supply, which was accordingly performed. But the 
ships arriving there did not only bring uncomfortable news of the 
death of the Lord Chief Justice together with the death of Sir John 
Gilbert, the elder brother unto Captain Kawley Gilbert who at that 

149. Purchas, Vol. 5, p. 1828; Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Times. 

Mass. Hist. Coll., 2 S., V. 9, pp. 3-5. J. P. Baxter, Esq. 

9 2 


time was president of that council, but found that the old Captain 
Popham was also dead : who was the only man, indeed, that died 
there that winter wherein they endured the greater extremities : 
for that in the depth thereof, their lodgings and stores were burnt 
and they thereby were wondrously distressed. 

This calamity and evil news together with the resolution that 
Captain Gilbert was forced to take for his own return (in that he 
was to succeed his brother in the inheritance of his lands in Eng- 
land), made the whole company to resolve upon nothing but their 
return with the ships ; and for that present to leave the country 
again, having in the time of their abode there (notwithstanding the 
coldness of the season, and the small help they had) built a pretty 
bark of their own, which served them to good purpose as easing 
them in their returning. 

The arrival of these here in England was a wonderful discour- 
agement to all the first undertakers, insomuch as there was no 
more speech of settling any other plantation in those parts for a 
long time after ; only Sir Francis Popham having the ships and 
provision which remained of the company, and supplying what was 
necessary for his purpose, sent divers times to the coasts for trade 
and fishing, of whose loss or gains himself is best able to give 

Our people abandoning the plantation in this sort as you have 
heard, the Frenchmen immediately took the opportunity to settle 
themselves within our limits. 


Capt. John Smith published at London in 1624 his 
" General History of New England." Into this he in- 



troduced a brief but valuable account of the Sagadahoc 
enterprise. He mentions the letters-patent for the two 
colonies, and their limits, then of the second or north- 
ern colony assigned to adventurers from Bristol, Exeter, 
Plymouth, and towns in the west of England ; he writes : 3 

Now this part of America hath formerly been called ISTorum- 
bega, Virginia, Nuskoncus, Penaquida, Cannada, and such other 
names as those that ranged the coast pleased. But because it was 
so mountainous, rocky and full of isles, few have adventured much 
to trouble it, but as is formerly related ; notwithstanding that hon- 
orable patron of virtue, Sir John Popham, Lord Chief Justice of 
England, in the year 1606, procured means and men to possess it, 
and sent Captain George Popham for President ; Captain Rawley 
Gilbert for Admiral ; Captain Edward Harlow, Master of the Ord- 
nance ; Captain Eobert Davis, Sergeant Major ; Captain Elis Best, 
Marshal ; Master Seaman, Secretary ; Captain James Davis to be 
Captain of the Fort ; Master Gome Carew, Chief Searcher. All 
those were of the Council, who, with some hundred more, were to 
stay in the country. They set sail from Plymouth the last of May, 
and fell with Monahigan the 11th of August. At Sagadahock nine 
or ten leagues southward, they planted themselves at the mouth of 
a fair navigable river, but the coast all there abouts most extreme 
stony and rocky ; that extreme frozen winter was so cold they 
could not range nor search the country, and their provision so 
small, they were glad to send all but forty-five of their company 
back again. Their noble president, Captain Popham, died, and not 
long after arrived two ships well provided of all necessaries to sup- 
150. The General Historie of Virginia, New England, &c. Fr. London Ed. 

1620, Richmond, Va., 1819, Vol. 2, pp. 173-74. 


ply them, and some small time after another, by whom understand- 
ing of the death of the Lord Chief Justice, and also of Sir John 
Gilbert, whose lands there the president, Rawley Gilbert, was to 
possess, according to the adventurers directions, finding nothing 
but extreme extremities, they all returned for England in the year 
1608, and thus this plantation was begun and ended in one year, 
and the country esteemed as a cold, barren, mountainous, rocky 

The " Encouragement to Colonies," written by Sir 
Wm. Alexander, appeared in 1624, and is a chief witness 
respecting the moral weakness of the colony which con- 
tributed to its failure. 

That which is now called Xew England was first comprehended 
within the patent of Virginia, being the northeast part thereof. It 
was undertaken in a patent by a company of gentlemen in the west 
of England, one of whom was Sir John Popham, then chief justice, 
who sent the first company that went of purpose to inhabit there 
near to Sagadahoc ; but those that went thither, being pressed to 
that enterprise, as endangered by the law, or by their own necessi- 
ties (no enforced thing proving pleasant, discontented persons suffer- 
ing, while as they act can seldom have good success and never satis- 
faction), they after a winter stay, dreaming to themselves of new 
hopes at home, returned back with the first occasion, and to justify 
the suddenness of their return, they did coin many excuses, burden- 
ing the bounds where they had been with all the aspersions that 
possibly could devise, seeking by that means to discourage all others, 
whose provident forwardness importuning a good success, might 



make their base sluggishness for abandoning the beginning of a 
good work to be the more condemned. 


In this year, Capt. John Smith put forth his " True 
Travels," discoursing upon his endeavors and failures, 
while he made attempts to prosecute trade and fishing, 
and to lay foundations for colonies. A few sentences 
alone in this sketch have value. 151 

When I first went to the north part of Virginia, where the west- 
ern colony had been planted, it had dissolved itself within a year 
and there was not a Christian in all the land. * * * * 

The country was regarded "a most rocky, barren, desolate 
desert." ****** Nothing could be done for a 
plantation till about some hundreds of your Brownists of England, 
Amsterdam and Leyden went to New Plymouth. 


The first sketch of the Sagadahoc Colony appearing 
in a general history is found in the " Novus Orbis " of 
Joannes DeLaet, published (in Latin) at Leyden in 
1633. A new edition, translated into French, was put 
forth in 1640. The main facts were presented in brief, 


151. Vide Aber's Reprint of Smith's Works : Chap. 23. 


and were condensed from Purchas, and from the Rela- 
tion of President and Council. 

Henry Chalons, having been sent first to the northern part, was 
taken by the Spaniards : and at about the same time, at the ex- 
pense of John Popham, the chief justice of all England, Thomas 
Haman [Hanham] who was sent to the river Sagadahock as aid to 
Chalons. When he did not find him, satisfied to have examined the 
coast, he returned to England. Then in the year 1607 under the 
auspices of the same Popham, one hundred husbandmen, having 
been carried over to the Sagadahock for a colony, fixed their habita- 
tions in a peninsula, which is situated at the mouth of that river 
and built a fort to withstand hostile attacks, by the name of Saint 
George : George Popham presided over the colony : Ealegh Gilbert 
over the maritime affairs. On advancing to explore the river itself; 
they encountered a waterfall near a certain island in the river, which, 
however, they overcame with no great diffueulty and soon another, 
where the water ran with such violence that they could in no way 
proceed any farther. The place was distant from the equator forty- 
five degrees and thirty minutes. Both banks of the river rose grad- 
ually in sandy hills : there was no land at all suitable for cultiva- 
tion, but however it was wooded and well covered with oaks. 

The natives follow the customs of other barbarians and are miser- 
ably vexed in nearly every month by an evil spirit whom they call 
Tanto and fear much more than they worship. While the English 
dwelt here they seemed somewhat moved by the religious rites of 
the christians. They said James was a good king and confessed 
that his God was good and truly their own Tanto was evil. Then 
indeed when the President of the colon}' died in the month of 
February 1G03, and a short time afterwards the Chief-Justice, who 



up to this time had borne most of the expense, the colonists with 
their vessels, which had been sent as aid to then, deserting the 
colony returned to England, and their patrons were so indignant at 
their unexpected return, that they desisted from the undertaking. 
The French, meanwhile, (availing themselves of the opportunity 
or by a purpose of their own) laid the foundations of colonies in 
various places. 152 


Sir Ferdinando Gorges wrote a lengthy sketch re- 
specting the early steps in New England colonization, 
detailing difficulties which attended those projects, and 
especially his own misfortunes. It is entitled, "A Briefe 
Narration of the Originall Undertakings of the Advance- 
ment of Plantations into the Parts of America, especially 
showing the Beginning, Progress and Continuance of that 
of New England." It was printed in London in 1658, 
eleven years after Gorges' death. It was likewise intro- 
duced by his grandson, Sir Ferdinando, into a volume 
published the following year, bearing the title, " America 
Painted to Life." Gorges' personal acquaintance with 
the affairs of which he writes, and in which he bore 
a conspicuous part, gives the Narration great value. It 
was, however, evidently written in his advanced years, 
when his memory had lost its freshness, making the per- 

152. •• Novus Orbis," p. 67. 



spective of events dim or confused, so that deflniteness 
of detail and dates are lacking. He gives a general 
view of the Sagadahoc enterprise, and includes but few 
facts not found elsewhere. The following extracts are 
taken from the reprint by the Maine Historical Society. 153 

By the same authority all things fully agreed upon between both 
the colonies, the Lord Chief Justice, his friends and associates of 
the West country, sent from Plymouth Captain Popham as Presi- 
dent for that employment, with Captain Rawley Gilbert, and divers 
other gentlemen of note, in three sail of ships, 154 with one hundred 
landmen, for the seizing such a place as they were directed unto by 
the Council of that colony ; who departed from the coast of Eng- 
land the one-and-thirtieth day of May, anno 1607, and arrived at 
their rendezvous the 8th of August following. As soon as the 
President had taken notice of the place, and given order for land- 
ing the provisions, he despatched away Captain Gilbert, with Skit- 
warres his guide, for the thorough discovery of the rivers and hab- 
itations of the natives ; by whom he was brought to several of 
them, where he found civil entertainment and kind respects, far 
from brutish or savage natures, so as they suddenly became familiar 
friends ; especially by the means of Dehamda, and Skitwarres, who 
had been in England, Dehamda being sent by the Lord Chief Jus- 
tice with Captain Prin, and Skitwarres by me in compauy ; so as 
the President was earnestly entreated by Sassenow, Aberemet, and 
others the principal sagamores (as they call their great lords) to go 
to the Bashabas, who it seems was their king, and held a state agree- 

153. Maine Hist. Collections, Vol. 2, pp. 20-23. 

154. Vide Introduction, ante p. 13. 



able, expecting that all strangers should have their address to him, 
not he to thera. 

To whom the President would have gone after several invita- 
tions, but was hindered by cross winds and foul weather, so as he 
was forced to return back without making good what he had 
promised, much to the grief of those sagamores that were to attend 
him. The Bashabas notwithstanding, hearing of his misfortune, 
sent his own son to visit him, and to beat a trade with him for 
furs. How it succeeded, I could not understand, for that the ships 
were to be despatched away for England, the winter being already 
come, for it was the loth day of December before they set sail to 
return j 1 55 who brought with them the success of what had passed in 
that employment, which so soon as it came to the Lord Chief 
Justice's hands, he gave out order to the Council for sending them 
back with supplies necessary. 

The supplies being furnished and all things ready, only attend- 
ing for a fair wind, which happened not before the news of the 
Chief Justice's death was posted to them to be transported to the 
discomfort of the poor planters ; but the ships arriving there in 
good time, was a great refreshing to those that had had their store- 
house and most of their provisions burnt the winter before. 

Besides that, they were strangely perplexed with the great and 
unseasonable cold they suffered, with that extremity as the like hath 
not been heard of since, and it seems was universal, it being the 
same year that our Thames was so locked up that they built their 
boats upon it, and sold provisions of several sorts to those that de- 
lighted in the novelties of the times. But the miseries they had 
passed were nothing to that they suffered by the disastrous news 
they received of the death of the Lord Chief Justice, that suddenly 

155. Vide Appendix ; Movements of the ships. 


followed the death, of their President ; but the latter was not so 
strange, in that he was well stricken in years before he went, and 
had long been an infirm man. Howsoever heartened by hopes, will- 
ing he was to die in acting something that might be serviceable to 
God and honorable to his country. But that of the death of the 
Chief Justice was such a corrosive to all, as struck them with despair 
of future remedy, and it was the more augmented, when they heard 
of the death of Sir John Gilbert, elder brother of Rawley Gilbert 
that was then their President, a man worthy to be beloved of them 
all for his industry and care for their well-being. The President 
was to return to settle the state his brother had left him ; upon 
which all resolved to quit the place, and with one consent to 
away, by which means all our former hopes were frozen to death ; 
though Sir Francis Popham could not so give it over, but continued 
to send thither several years after in hope of better fortunes, but 
found it fruitless, and was necessitated at last to sit down with the 
loss he had already undergone. 

Although I were interested in all these misfortunes, and found 
it wholly given over by the body of the adventurers, as well for 
that they had lost the principal support of the design, as also that 
the country itself was branded by the return of the Plantation, as 
being over cold, and in respect of that not habitable by our nation. 

Besides, they understood it to be a task too great for particular 
persons to uudertake, though the country itself, the rivers, havens, 
harbors upon that coast might in time prove profitable to us. 




Henry Gardiner's " New England's Vindication" 
was a brief tract written in 1660. It has recently been 




reprinted by the Gorges Society, with critical notes by 
Chas. E. Banks, M. D. 
He wrote, (p. 19) : 

Then my Lord Popham and others sent to inhabite New-Eng- 
land, and settled a Colony at Saquadahock, the Ruins and fruit Trees 
remain to this day ; but he dying, all fell. Then divers Fishermen 
went onely to fish. 


Peter Heylin, (Cosmographie, London, 1670) has a 
brief statement (p. 1627): 

St. Georges Fort was the first plantation of the English, and 
was built at the mouth of the river Sagadahock, in a demy-island in 
1607, by Popham and Gorges ; but the colonists returned home. 
It was successfully attempted again in 1614 when the undertakers 
were resolved to make further trial, and in 1616 sent out eight 
more ships but it never settled into form till 1620 by the building 
of New Plimouth. 

John Ogilby, [America ; or Description of the New 
World, London 1671,] translates and transfers almost 
without change the paragraph of DeLaet. Richard 
Blome [Description of Jamaica, with other Isles and 
Territories to which the English are Related, 1678] has 
a brief reference. 




The first was a colony of English about 1605, granted by patent 
from King James to certain proprietors, but divers years were 
spun out, with great expense and casualties before it came to any- 

1 700- 1 800. 

In this century no real advance was made in the 
history of the Sagdahoc colony. Writers do not appear 
to have made attempts at original investigation, but only 
recited, in a sentence or brief paragraph, the mere facts 
of the undertaking. Reference may be made to Old- 
mixon [British Empire in America, London, 1708]; to 
Neal, [History of New England, London, 1720]; to 

[Hist, of British Dominions in North 

America, London, 1773] ; to William Russell, [History 
of America, London, 1778.] 

Rev. Thomas Prince, [Chronol. History of New Eng- 
land in the form of Annals, 1736], drew his statement 
from the history of Capt. John Smith. William Doug- 
lass, [Summary of British Settlements in North America, 
1749,] not a careful writer, mentions (Vol. 1, p. 204,) 
that persons 

Sometimes wintered ashore as for instance at Sagadahoc, anno 
1608, but no formal lasting settlement was made till 1G20; 

but he misconceives the personnel of the colony in writ- 
ing (p. 345)— 




George Popham with Capt. Gilbert came over in two ships with 
families and stores, anno 1607. Some families wintered at Sagada- 
hoc near the mouth of Quenebec River (here many good rivers meet 
and discharge themselves into a bay called Merrymeeting bay), anno 
1608, but soon left. 

Burke's Settlements in America, [1 757], and Wynne's 
British Empire in N. America, [1770] include no men- 
tion of the Popham colony. Chalmers, [Political 
Annals, 1780] has a brief sentence. 

Charlevoix [Histoire de la Nouvelle France, 3 Vols., 
Paris, 1744], has a single statement which must refer to 
this colony and its relations with the Indians, and adds 
a new fact, which hints at the French account, latterly 

A short time before, some English had attempted to make a 
settlement on their river, but so bad had been their conduct towards 
the savages that the latter had forced them to withdraw. 


In the last decade of this century, Hon. James Sulli- 
van*published his History of the District of Maine. 
Whatever might have been expected from a historian of 
the state, who had been a student of the facts and the 
localities, Judge Sullivan added very little to our knowl- 




edge of the colony. He introduced errors in matters 
of fact, attempted no detailed account, and made con- 
clusions faulty and misleading, so that one will be 
curious respecting the sources of his information. 
These quotations show his brief treatment of the sub- 
ject. His view of localities will be discussed later. 

The next movement towards a settlement in the northern part 

of the continent by the English, was in the year 1607. Sir John 

Gilbert, who was brother to Sir Humphrey, and inherited his estate 

and title, was persuaded, at a very advanced age, to revive his 

brother's claim. In pursuance of this idea, he engaged with Sir 

John Pop ham and several others, to fit out a fleet for the continent. 

Perhaps a jealousy arising from a Frenchman's having in the year 

1604, been into, and taken possession of the river Kenebeck, and 

the country to the eastward of it, under the King of France, urged 

the English to revive a claim which had begun to be considered as 

obsolete. Be their motive what it might, they revived the old 

knight's claim, which he had begun to establish, under the patent 

of Queen Elizabeth, and sent out ships to assert their title, and to 

regain possession. They arrived at the mouth of Sagadahock, on 

Kenebeck river ; where they spent a miserable winter, principally 

on an island since called Stage Island. Their intention was to 

begin a colony on the west side of the river, at what is now called 

Small Point. 156 Sir John Gilbert died that winter. The spirit of 

colonizing became faint. The encouragement was withdrawn, and 


156. In Sullivan's time, the name, 

Small Point, was applied to the 

whole peninsula west of the river, 

now the town of Pkipsburg, and not 

as now restricted to the southwestern 
point of the town. Thus Sullivan 
himself defines Small Point on p. 1G9. 


the adventurers returned to England the following year. The 
suffering of this party, and the disagreeable account they were 
obliged to give, in order to excuse their own conduct, discouraged 
any further attempts by the English, until the year 1619, and the 
year 1620, when the first settlement was made at Plymouth. [Pages 

On an island already spoken of, called Stage Island, was the 
landing place of Pophanrs party, in 1607. Governor Winthrop 
says they came in 1609. Ogilby, in his collection, which he 
made in the year 1671, says, that they landed on the west side of 
the river, on a peninsula, and there began a plantation. Hubbard 
says, that a party came from England, and settled at Kenebeck, in 
the year 1619. Soon after Popham's party left the river, in 1608, 
the French took possession of it. * * On the island are the re- 
mains of a fort, several wells of water, and several cellars ; the 
remains also of brick chimneys have been found there, and it is 
very clear that the bricks which were used in the buildings must 
have been brought from Europe. On the west side of the river is 
the remains of a fort, made of stone and earth ; there are also eight 
old walls now to be seen, and the ruins of several houses. Whether 
these buildings were erected by the English, or by the French, is 
uncertain ; but the probability is that the former were the erectors 
of the works. [Pages, 169, 170.] 

The colony of Plymouth had a fort and trading house at Kene- 
beck River in the year 1642. Where their fort was, does not now 
appear with certainty; but it may be believed, that it was on what 
is now called Small Point, on the west side of the river, and near 
the sea. Tradition assures us, that Popham's party made their land- 
ing on the island now called Stage Island; and as there are the re- 
mains of an ancient fort on Small Point, and wells of water of long 





standing, with remains of ancient dwelling houses there, which have 
been mentioned, it may be concluded that the Plymouth Fort was 
at that place. [Page, 174.] 

Gov. Sullivan wrote another account of the colony, 
and the two should be compared, for his divergent opin- 
ions respecting the facts. This earlier statement was 
comprised in a sketch entitled, " A Topographical De- 
scription of Georgetown," his contribution, — though 
without hint of authorship, — to the first volume pub- 
lished by the Massachusetts Historical Society. The 
volume was put forth in 1792, and reprinted in 1806. 

The sketch contained quite as much history as to- 
pography, and shows his characteristic method of inter- 
spersing sage reflections to adorn his narrations. 

Treating of Parker's Island, 157 he writes, p. 251 : 

Upon this island, the Europeans, who first colonised to New 
England, made their landing. Virginia was planted in the year 
1G0G ; and has therefore assumed the dignified title of the Ancient 
Dominion ; but the Colony of Parker's Island, which has since been 
called Sagadahoc, was but one year behind her. In the year 1607, 
* * « (Popham, &c.) * * landed and took possession 
of Parker's Island. ***** jj a( j tae i eac [ ers f this 
colony survived the severity of the winter next after their landing, 

157. Its aboriginal name was Rascohegan (in a variety of forms.) By succes- 
sive separations of former territory, it has since 1841, been left to bear alone us 
a town the ancient name, Georgetown. 




Plymouth might have been deprived of the honor of being the 
mother of New England. ******* George 
Popham, the brother of an English Baronet, was the President and 
leader of this band of adventurers. He was no doubt a man equal 
to the undertaking, and expected the support of his brother,- and 
other powerful men, who according to the rage for colonising which 
then prevailed, had associated for tliat purpose. Unfortunately for 
the little number of emigrants, their leader died in the winter next 
after they had landed. Many of their friends were taken away in 
England at the same period. The spirits of adventurers are at once 
depressed upon the defect or death of their leaders ; but yet there 
is a natural pride in the human heart, which urges mankind to 
ascribe the causes of a retreat to something besides their own weak- 
ness or cowardice. The death of Mr. Popham might have been a 
sufficient cause for these people giving over their enterprise, and 
taking leave of Georgetown, but they ascribed it to a prevailing 
sickness, occasioned by the severity of the winter. 

There was a tradition amongst the Xorridgwalk Indians, that 
these planters invited a number of the natives, who had come to 
trade with them, to draw a small cannon by a rope, and that when 
they were arranged on a line in this process, the white people dis- 
charged the piece, and thereby killed and wounded several of them. 

* * * The story is that the resentment of the natives, 

consequent on this treacherous murder, obliged the English to re- 
embark the next summer. 

It is possible that Sullivan himself obtained this 
tradition directly from the Indians of that tribe, with 
whom he was conversant, which fact would strengthen 





the value of the story. Its origin, and continuance for 
more than a century, is a fact to be accounted for. 

Another tradition, respecting the relations of the 
colonists and Indians, may be most appropriately intro- 
duced here. It was obtained by the New England 
historian, Rev. William Hubbard, " minister at Ipswich," 
and written into his narrative of the " Indian Wars." 
Yet the portion in which it was comprised, failed to be 
printed in early editions, but appears in that edited by 
Mr. Samuel G. Drake, 1865, (Woodward's Historical 
Series.) Hubbard wrote out the story as early as 1680, 
and shows that it was told by the Indians" previous to 
1660. It will be found in Vol. 2, p. 251. 

It is reported by an Ancient Marriner yet living in these parts, 
a person of good Credit, that above twenty years since being in the 
Eastern Parts about Kennebeck, he heard an old Indian tell this 
story ; that when he was a Youth, there was a Fort built about 
Saga-de-hock (the ruines of which were then shown this Relater, 
supposed to be that called St. Georges Fort in honor of Capt. 
George Popham, the President of the company sent over Anno 
1607.) and possessed for some time by the English : But afterward 
upon some Quarrel that fell out betwixt the Indians and them, the 
English were some of them killed by the said Indians and the rest 
all' driven out of the Fort, where there was left much of their Pro- 
visions and Ammunition ; amongst which there was some barrels of 
Powder ; but after they had opened them not knowing what to do 
therewith, they left the Barrels carelessly open, and scattered the 



Powder about, so as accidently it took Fire ; and blew up all that 
was within the Fort, burnt and destroyed many of the Indians, 
upon which they conceived their God was angry with them for 
doing hurt to the English. 

1 800-1 890. 

In the present century patient research has enriched 
our historical literature. The story of the Sagadahoc 
colony has been often rewritten. A few authors may be 
mentioned whose digest, or fuller narrative, can be con- 
sulted. Jeremy Belknap, D. D., had offered in 1794, 
" The Biographies of the Discoverers of America." 
" Annals of America," by Rev. Abiel Holmes, D. D., ap- 
peared in 1805. Rev. Wm. Hubbard's "General His- 
tory of New England," written previously to 16S2, was 
first printed in 181 5, by the Massachusetts Historical 
Society. James Graham's " History of the United States 
of North America" appeared in 1827. Baylie's " His- 
tory of New Plymouth," (1830,) offers in the appendix a 
sketch of the Popham colony. Hon. George Bancroft's 
work, " The Colonization of the United States," in 3 
vols., was published in 1834-40. In his revised and 
complete work, u The History of the United States," 
Centenary Ed., the Popham enterprise is succinctly 
narrated. The histories of Hildreth, (1840,) and of Pal- 



frey, (1859,) likewise can be examined. Rev. J. S. C. 
Abbott, in the latest History of Maine, (1875,) wretchedly 
misleads, in most erratic movements of Popham's ships, 
and confessing inability to " extricate the details from 
some entanglement," is himself responsible for the 
puzzle that confronts him. " The Popular History of 
America," (Bryant and Gay) (1S81,) gives a free narration 
of the colony affairs, embellished by wood cuts of the 
meeting of Nahanada and Skidwarres, and of Indians 
beset by dogs at Popham's fort. Reference may also be 
had to " The Narrative and Critical History pf America," 
(1884,) edited by Justin Winsor, LL. D., and especially 
to his critical notes, and his statements respecting the 
Popham controversy. 

From these more prominent historians, our survey of 
the literature turns to those writers and recent sources 
of information which have made definite and rich ac- 
cessions to our knowledge of the colony. 


. A new history, the fruit of diligent investigation in 
the then offered materials of history, was given to the 
public, by Hon. Wm. D. Williamson in 1832, entitled, 
" The History of the State of Maine, from its first Dis- 



covery, a. d. 1602, to the Separation, a. d. 1820." This 
discerning and judicious author, besides study of previous 
writers, manifestly sought information from local sources 
in respect to the Popham enterprise. His full recital of 
the story is not needful, involving fruitless repetitions, 
but such extracts are here made as shall show his views 
of the facts, not altogether accurate, and his conclusions 
respecting obscure points in that early occupation of 
the soil of Maine. 

It was intended to have taken into employment three ships. 
* * But through disappointment in procuring one, the^expedi- 
tion was retarded, and two only were equiped, and despatched on 
the interesting expedition. * * * * 

Although according to some accounts, they first went ashore 
upon Erascohegan [Parkers island], or the western peninsula ; yet 
it is believed they finally disembarked upon an Island 200 rods 
eastward, called Stage Island ; supposed by them to be better situ- 
ated for all the conveniences of trade with the natives, and of 
navigation through the year. They probably landed on the north 
part of the Island which is level and easy of access — the southerly 
end being high, bleak and rocky. * * * * 

These adventurous planters erected on the Island some slight 
habitations, or cottages ; sunk two or three wells ; and commenced 
an intercourse with the Indians. But they were soon convinced, 
that the wells, owing to their contiguity to the sea, would never 
yield sweet water ; that the Island containing only 8 or 10 acres, 
was too small tor the permanent foundation of a colony ; and that 

. it was 



it was situated too far from other lands to form a free intercourse 
with the country. Therefore they concluded to change their situa- 
tion ; and passing across the river, to the western bank, they 
selected a pleasant and convenient site on the southeast side of a 
creek, near what is now called Atkin's bay ; which stretches west 
into the land half a league, and forms a peninsula at the southerly 
corner of the present Phipsburg. To this place they themselves re- 
moved, and during the autumn, located and established a settlement ; 
which was subsequently denominated the Sagadahock Colony. A 
commodious house and barn, and a few slender cabins were built, 
and a fortification erected, which they named fort St. George, from 
the Christian name of the President ; but it was afterwards called 
Popham's Port. A blockhouse likewise with a ^store-room, was 
erected and roughly finished ; where the people kept their provis- 
sions and might in case of danger find protection. * * * * 
The winter months were fraught with various trials. The season 
was extremely severe in England as well as in this country ; their 
habitations were poor ; and they before spring suffered much from 
cold. ***** § t iii they might have enjoyed se- 
curity and peace in their fortification, and lived comfortably upon 
the provisions brought from home, together with the fish and game 
taken by themselves or purchased of the Indians, had they met 
with no misfortune and been guided, at all times by the maxims of 
prudence and economy. * * * 

• • The author here introduces versions of the " tradi- 
tional stories, related and transmitted to us, as coming 
from the old Indians," of the quarrel and the gunpowder, 
and the discharged cannon, which have been previously 
given, with this statement : Whether 



Whether these stories have any connection or foundation in 
truth, we cannot at this distance of time ascertain with certainty ; 
and we might especially wish the latter one for the credit of the 
colonists to be a fable ; yet both were believed true, by the ancient 
and well-informed inhabitants on Sagadahock river. Vol. 1, pp. 

Regarding the return of the colony he mentions the 
plan of Justice Popham to send back the ships from 
England with supplies, and adds besides the well-known 
facts, enlargement of the narrative of Gorges: 

But while waiting for a wind, the mariners of one ship heard of 
his Lordship's sudden death ; and the master of the other, before he 
sailed was informed that Sir John, the brother of Baleigh Gilbert, 
was likewise dead; and thus became the bearers of these melan- 
choly tidings to the plantation. * * * The deaths of the 
two Popham s and Gilbert * * together with some addi- 

tional disappointments, proved fatal to the colony. * * Prob- 
ably the Indians had become again unfriendly. Nay, one account 
represents, that in consequence of the resentments of the natives, 
occasioned by the gun powder plot, or some ill treatment, the emi- 
grants were induced to re-embark, for the sake of their own safety, 
and durst not return. Pages 201-2. 

Of the location of the colony, Gov. Williamson 
speaks in his description of Phipsburg and Cape Small 
Point : 

A mile above the southeast corner or projection of this penin- 


sula, on what is called Hill's point, is the plat of ground where the 
Sagadahock colony passed the winter, 1608-9. The United States 
fort is near the same spot, though a little further east. The fort 
built by those ancient colonists was called fort St. George, but gradu- 
ally acquired the name of Popham's fort. The remains of it and of 
several houses or habitations built there, and afterwards revived 
and increased in number to 10 or 12 by the New Plymouth settlers, 
are yet seen. The colouy at first landed on Stage island. * * 
They erected a fortification and dug a well, which was walled and 
parted by a partition still apparent. But because they could not 
get good water, thev removed across the river, aud settled on the 
peninsula, westward. Vol. 1. pp. 52-3. 


" The Historie of Travaile into Virginia Brittania " 
was written about 1618, by William Strachey, who had 
been secretary of the southern colony. I5S But it re- 
mained in manuscript, almost unknown to the world, 
until its publication in 1S49 by the Hakluyt Society of 
London. It comprised a sketch of the northern colony, 
and made valuable accessions to public knowledge of 
events at Sagadahoc, in giving particulars of the voyage, 
the settlement, the location and progress of the colony. 
•A portion was reprinted in this country by the Mass. 
Historical Society in 1852 ;' 59 and also by the Maine 


158. Maine Hist. Coll., Vol, 3, p. 283. 

159. Mass. Hist Coll., 4th Ser., Vol. 1, p. 219. 


Historical Society in 1853. 160 From the close relation 
which these chapters of Strachey's work bear to the 
Lambeth IMS., as already shown, 161 they require no 
further notice as a part of the literature of the subject. 

1857. ; 

In this year there came into the possession of the 
Maine Historical Societ} a document specially note- 
wothy, yet a curiosity, rather than historically valuable for 
its facts, — a copy of a letter written at Sagadahoc by Pres- 
ident Popham, four months after arrival, addressed to 
the King. Hon. Wm. Willis has properly characterized 
the letter as " unique/' — " possessing a peculiar interest," 
— though written "in barbarous Latin," — "greatly ex- 
aggerated in its description of the products of the 
country, and its sickening adulation of the pedant King." 

This letter, discovered by Hon. George Bancroft in 
his research in the State Paper Office, London, was by 
him kindly donated to the Society. A translation was 
made by Rev. Leonard Woods, D. D., President of Bow- 
doin College, which, with the original Latin, was given 
to the public in the fifth volume of the Society's Col- 
lections, (1857). Derived from this source, they are 


ICO. Maine Hist. Coll., Vol. 3, pp. 2SO-309. 
101. Vide Introduction, p. 10, ante. 


introduced here as a part of the Popham Literature. 
It is hoped that a fac-simile of the original letter may 
be obtained for this work. 

In regard to some of the surprising statements of 
this rose-colored report, it may be remarked, that the 
colonists found all things new and strange, and allowed 
their ardent hopefulness to magnify slight resemblances 
into desired realities, — so that a bewildered fancy easily 
created nutmegs, cochineal, and ambergris, out of very 
ordinary natural products. Yet must we regard Presi- 
dent Popham as very credulous of stories told by his ex- 
ploring parties, and culpably careless of the Facts, or else 
we must charge him with insincerity and willingness to 
join clever story-telling with servile flattery in order to 
win the royal favor to a problematic enterprise. 

George Popham to King James I. 

13 Dec, 1607. 

Ad pedes serenissimi regis sui humillime se projecti Georgius 
Pophamus prsesidens secimdie coloniie Virginiae. Si divinae majes- 
tatis tua3 placuerit patientke a servo observantissiino ac devotissiino 
quamvis indigno pauca recipere ab altitudinis tuae claritate vel min- 
imum alioenare arbitror. Quoniam in dei gloriam sublimitatis ves- 
troe amplitudinem et Brittanorum utilitatem reddundare videantur 
peroequuni igitur judicavi magestati tuae notum fieri quod apud Vir- 
ginios, et moassones imllus in orbe terrarum magis admiratur quam 
Dominus Jacobus Brittanorum imperatur propter admirabilem jus- 


JeCMndtc&m* Oirym&SiSiutn*' m *aesUh tux o&uerit pa&tnhe a-feru* - 

cC«ri+ate\eL minimi? aft* nav e ar£\A-», /?. ** ' Jl V^ ^r*/f 7,J\« 

~r.*„S ? j>V u. - arpitroi ■ t/ucnta. in del a/azia. fu££ t mi fat*? fash*. 

/•., s ^ , rt ,± -- ~* r~**~± i./uorna. in art alalia. 

m ertc trrraru maps a&**r«*Hz au?V emt 'U u j zf #£„<<**„*/ -"™- / 

* s >. > -,, - - ->,. ceytantia. auatshzru /pt>inciarH ^ 

adnandit jHreies i/7u- 1)o^7tnt f Jacc6iJufcuiuS^ L Uo n& a to } imperfo 6&nter ^ ■ 
rm/?itarcVof«<rm<£T'ti/'iantda. l>nui axnatiutS Jui'Bzttfanite a^toS- pesfras ~> ■ 
&n.<&3 a: VtcJu.ies'jttt tUsi } t/lu^}rauU. Ci^d ' et yuanh* m £i$ neacctfsfjulfeune/i* 

(t tlfcei?a mmt&'cimtl* m&nais Va£?c, £<ni*Jit *l4ai£*u qui Osr>ii Voftsfacunt 
fctcnitr uqnoJcenS, 0mn-eJ cena/hts meo^Porirt ch in coTnpaiienz offi-cy c/e^th. 
ez^a prtnctpe^sia £canntc 0phjn.a, me fcpet opinte usi y/ocja/aci /e^ in iiis* 
zeiicrn 6>tJ eiueefcc zef \'ts fat rnaatslati^ i^pee'" *mpAficart et-'Bxtftiinjr u~ 
t-tmpuf pttutfte au.4Tyien£ap~' q net/aa rn er£ tmemu aHtntt, cmn «■' ' m^v m a 
cmfta *//■£ a/firman! An'tne/se proVinc iiS? nutes a »k/h caJ t lactam J gf ~> 

£n/up£e qffitmafiui ' m€£u*aat*nf- tsst vutzz aua/taa m a*6tg*/& titf tcti tftn+a A ■ 

k> L..7»J ' nrtuineitt purru nJn puts ftpfam- enepu itemzts' '/Jsaciu^ 'a vce/t^'o <~ -* 
moi^vo .SanSk 0'*M1 m Saaadahde xry^Jitu efj,z*fi*n*t* fC *m4 - . 
termines pror/t*& > > ■*n<rranf / ! tjuct/- 'a ft'itej ' eSSc' ' nsHpattsir m/t au/fai ://, ^*-~> 
ttnc{en£af/ ' teaic-^ts' 'China qua /Znqe a0%tyazn6u$0peett£ 'efa&o eSpS • <— ' 
■Mn fe (sunt §t taih^tPtacuer.^ di&tncs /lafiez^ 'oecu/es tucs? 'aptzfes m. — ' 
(uvtect* eei--hfi<ciici(m<g mta ) n<rn<ti<to.fc> sum Ceffi/"d<> Vf&EA a£/ofuet' oj>u^ 

/ftA ,} raA ihifnu'truiqrn Acentue Vf$7~TCC hjn/rc 'ef- Z£ 'l^CuS 'frit rrzTtxrmc 

Ct a dto — 

Jmhfitmc fetua* a/i*trf*»t/£pTJji<fo Sancit TftoKiif m Mfuda/Uc etc 

tfeorq i u s jjtyj Samuj- 



titiam ac in ere di bile 111 eonstantiam quse istarum provinciarum nativis 
non niediocrem perfert, letitiara, dicentibus insuper nullum esse deum 
vere adorandura preter ilium Domini Jacobi, sub cujus ditione atque 
imperio libenter millitare voluerit. Tahanida unus ex nativis qui 
Brittaniae adfuit vestras laudes ac virtutes hie illis illustravit. Quid 
et quantum in his negoeis sub eundis et illorum animis confirmandis. 
Valerem eorum sit judiciu qui domi voluterunt scienter agnoscens, 
omnes conatus meosperire, cum incompatione officii debiti erga prin. 
cipem habeantur. Optima me tenet opinio dei gloriam facile in his 
regionibus elucescere, vestr&i magestatis imperium amplificare et 
Brittanorum rem pub : breviter augmentari quod ad mercimonium 
attinet, omnes indeginae constanter affirmant his in esse provinciis 
nuces amisticas maciam et sinamomum preteria Betumen lignum 
Brasilise Cuchinelam et Ambergetie cum multis aliis magni momenti 
et valeris eaque maxima quidem abundantia. In super affirmative 
mecum agunt, esse mare aliquod in ad versa vel occidentali hujus 
provincial patriae non plus septem dierum iteneris spacium a presidio 
nostro Sancti Georgii in Sagadahoc am plum latum et profundum 
cujus terminos prorsus ignorant quod aliud esse non protest nisi 
australe, tendens ad regiones China?, qua? longe ab his patribus 
procul dubio esse non possunt. Si igitur placuerit divinos habere 
occulos tuos apertos in subjecto certiflcacionis mere, non dubito 
quiu Celsitudo Vestrre absolvet opus deo gratissimum inagnificentia3 
honorificum, et repub : tua3 maxiine conducibile, quod ardentissimis 
precibus vehementer exopto : et a deo optimo maximo contendo ut 
regis mei Domini Jacobi magestatem quam diutissime servat glorio- 
sam. II presidio Santi Georgii in Sagadahoc de Virginia 13th De- 
cembris 1607. 

Servus vestraj magestratis oinni modis devotissimus 

Georgius Pophamus. 



"To the most heigh and inightie my gratious Soveraigne Lord 
"James of Great Brittain, France and Ireland Virginia and Moas- 
"son, Kinge." [Indorsed]. 


Geoege Popham to King James I. 

13 December, 1607. 

At the feet of his Most Serene King humbly prostrates himself 
George Popham, President of the Second Colony of Virginia. If 
it may please the patience of your divine Majesty — to receive a few 
things from your most observant and devoted, though unworthy 
servant, I trust it will derogate nothing from the lustre of your 
Highness, since they seem to redound to the glory of God, the 
greatness of your Majesty, and the utility of Great Brittain, I have 
thought it therefore very just that it should be made known to 
your Majesty, that among the Virginians and Moassons there is 
none in the world more admired than King James, Sovereign Lord 
of Great Brittain, on account of his admirable justice and incredi- 
ble constancy, which gives no small pleasure to the natives of these 
regions, who say moreover that there is no God to be truly wor- 
shipped but the God of King James, under whose rule and reign 
they would gladly fight. Tahanida, one of the natives who was 
in Great Brittain has here proclaimed to them your praises and 
virtues. What and how much I may avail in transacting these 
affairs and in confirming their minds, let those judge who are well 
versed in these matters at home, while I, wittingly avow, that 
all my endeavors are as nothing when considered in comparison 
with my duty towards my Prince. My well considered opinion is, 
that in these regions the glory of God may be easily evidenced, the 



empire of your Majesty enlarged, and the welfare of Great Brittain 
speedily augmented. So far as relates to Commerce, there are in 
these parts, shagbarks, nutmegs and cinnamon, besides pine wood, 
and Brazilian cochineal and ambergris, with many other products 
of great value, and these in the greatest abundance. 

Besides, they positively assure me, that there is a sea in the 
opposite or Western part of this Province, distant not more than 
seven days journey from our fort of St. George in Sagadahoc, — a 
sea large, wide and deep, the boundaries of which they are wholly 
ignorant of. This cannot be any other than the Southern ocean, 
reaching to the regions of China, which unquestionably cannot be 
far from these regions. If, therefore, it may please you to keep 
open your divine eyes on this matter of my report, I doubt not but 
your Majesty will perform a work most pleasing to God, most hon- 
orable to your greatness, and most conducive to the weal of your 
kingdom, which with ardent prayers I most vehemently desire. 
And may God Almighty grant that the majesty of my Sovereign 
Lord King James may remain glorious for ages to come. 

At the Fort of St. George, in Sagadahoc of Virginia, 13 Decem- 
ber, 1607. 

In all things your Majesty's Devoted Servant. 

George Popham. 


By the publication of the " Relations of the Jesuits," 
— (Quebec, 1858,) a further contribution was made from 
French sources. The statements so similar to that of 
Charlevoix, more than a century before, suggest the 
same original. They 


They (i. e. the Indians of Kennebec) showed us what they did 
to the English who wished to inhabit there in 1608 and 1G09. They 
excused the deed to us and told us of the outrages they received 
from the aforesaid English, and flattered us, saying they loved us 
well, because they knew that we would not shut our doors on the 
savages, as the English did, and that we would not drive them 
away from our table with cudgels, nor set our dogs upon them to 
bite them. 


This year introduced a new element into the litera- 
ture of the subject by the evolution of the k< Popham con- 
troversy.'* A germinal thought had been cast into the 
public mind by a request made to the War Department 
in the late autumn of 1861, that the U. S. fortification 
then in process of erection at the mouth of the Kenne- 
bec, should be named Fort Popham. Public attention 
was turned to the ancient settlement, and at least within 
a narrow circle a rapid growth of interest followed ; a 
memorial celebration on the anniversary of that seizure 
of Maine soil was projected, and received the favor of 
the Historical Society of Maine, many of whose mem- 
bers were active in giving it success ; the plan was 
fostered by notices of the newspaper press, and by arti- 
cles showing the historical significance of the event ; 
invitations far and near were sent to official and notable 



personages, especially those conversant with American 
history ; generous provision was made for transportation 
and for the wants and comfort of guests ; and as a result, 
on the 29th of August, an assembly estimated at several 
thousands, drawn by hearty interest in a historical anni- 
versary, or attracted by the novelty and promise of the 
occasion, or by the opportunity for an excursion and 
holiday, thronged to the historic peninsula at the mouth 
of the ancient Sagadahoc, and convened on the govern- 
ment grounds about the fort. Religious worship ac- 
cording to ancient Anglican forms, a historical state- 

O O ' mi 

ment, an oration, the placing a stone of memorial in the 
walls of the fort, were the chief exercises. A banquet, 
to which, after Maine custom, a clam-bake and its acces- 
sories largely contributed, drew after it speeches and 
historical addresses on associated and pertinent topics. 
The able oration by Hon. John A. Poor, of Portland, — 
who had been a leading spirit in reviving the knowledge 
of the event celebrated, — treating of American Coloni- 
zation, put forth far-reaching claims for the actors in 
those schemes whose outcome was the Sagadahoc colony, 
and with no hesitating utterance assigned this enter- 
prise to a place of supereminence in its relation to the 
settlement of New England. The main drift of the 
day's exercises, as of the originating purpose and man- 



agement, was of the same character, laudatory and mag- 
nifying its importance. A transcript of these proceed- 
ings — the preliminary correspondence, report of the 
services — letters of invited guests not present, historical 
papers prepared or read, the oration and appended 
extracts from historians, were by the diligent hand 
of Rev. Edward Ballard, D. D., then Secretary of the 
Maine Historical Society, given to the public in a vol- 
ume, bearing title — " Memorial Volume of the Popham 
Celebration, Aug. 29, 1S62 ; commemorative of the 
Planting of the Popham Colony on the Peninsula of 
Sabino, Aug. 19, O. S. 1607, establishing the Title of 
England to the Continent. Portland, 1863." 

A single able address by J. Wingate Thornton, Esq., 
of Boston, not in accord with the general tone of lauda- 
tion for the personages and the event celebrated, was 
omitted, but was elsewhere published with profuse 
historical citations, set forth and supported in vigorous 
utterances, under the title — " Colonial Schemes of Pop- 
ham and Gorges. " l62 

The inception of this celebration drew public atten- 
tion to the Popham colony, and gave it immediate noto- 
riety, as if a scarred corpse, — a waif of the waters, — cast 
up upon the sands at Sabino. Then came searching 
and ungentle examination for diagnosis of the disease, 


102. Vide Congl. Quarterly, Boston, April, 18G3, Vol. 5, pp. 143-100. 


or to get proofs of violence, which caused death. Also 
the personal traits and character of the long ago de- 
ceased made a matter of inquiry, provoked long, and 
even acrid, discussions. Diverse opinions obtained, and 
facts, theories, inferences, furnished materials for sharp 
controversy : knight after knight strode into the arena, 
with learning, logic or sarcasm equipped, to do battle for 
or against the asserted honor and merit of the Popham 

In the following years similar but less enthusiastic 
celebrations reinforced the purposes of the first. Ora- 
tions were given, in 1S63, by Hon. George Fotsom ; in 
1S64, by Hon. Edward E. Bourne; in 1865, by Prof. 
James W. Patterson, Elsewhere, before learned socie- 
ties, in reviews, magazines and newspapers, contestants 
maintained the strife, among whom may be mentioned 
Mr. William F. Poole, Mr. Frederic Kidder, Mr. Erastus 
C. Benedict, Mr. S. F. Haven, Rev. William S. Perry, 
Rev. Edward Ballard. 

A bibliography gathered showed that within six 
years from the opening of the controversy, ninety-eight 
pamphlets and separate articles had been published 
upon the various matters under discussion. The ora- 
tions, the chief papers, and many of the briefer and 
lighter articles will be found preserved in public libra- 


ries. A half dozen of these most prominent papers, ex- 
hibiting the main points on both sides of the contro- 
versy, were united in a pamphlet, published in Boston, 
by Wiggin and Lunt, 1866, — and entitled, " The Pop- 
ham Colony ; A Discussion of its Historical Claims." 
A few references to periodicals will help to examine va- 
rious phases of the controversy : Vide Essex Inst. Col- 
lections, Vol. 5, p. 1 75 ; Proceedings of Am. Antiquarian 
Soc, April, 1865; Am. Prot. Episcopal Ch., Vol. 1, 
p. 126 ; N. American Review, October, 1868 ; Historical 
Magazine, Vol. 7, p. 1 ; Vol. 12, pp. 129 and 184; Do. 
2d Series, Vol. 2, pp. 129 and 285 ; Vol. 5, p. 112. 

The leading thought in the celebration of 1862, 

which so agitated historical circles, is reflected by the 

stone of memorial. Prepared as an enduring record 

to be introduced conspicuously into the wall of the fort, 

it bears witness in behalf of the colony and its leader, 

by its inscription : 

The First Colony 
. . On the Shore of New England 

was founded here 

August 19th 0. S. 1007, 


George Pophani. 


. » 



Although then in the admiring scaze of thousands of 

spectators this stone was ceremonially laid, yet it has 
these many years waited, and still waits to be placed 
finally in position. 163 

The orator of the occasion, Mr. Poor, also announced 
that the Maine Historical Society would put in place a 
companion piece to the memorial stone, — a tablet in 
memory of George Popham. What formal action to 
that end had then been taken, or if it was but the orator's 
suggestion approved by leading associates, — does not 
now clearly appear. The design, however, has never 
been realized, — even the proposition seems almost to 
have faded from memory. 164 


163. The Memorial Volume of 
the celebration— (pp. 10, 13, 17, 21, 30, 
48-52, 55), indicates the purpose of 
this stone, and reports the steps in 
the proceedings after the forms of 
the masonic ritual, and the final offi- 
cial announcement that it was duly 
laid, repeated by flourish of music 
and thunder of cannon. Yet this lay- 
ing was but ceremonial, not real, the 
orator of the day, Mr. Poor, declar- 
ing (p. 83) that " linally the skillful 
hand of him who is charged with the 
construction of this fort, (Capt. 
Casey of the Engineer Corps) will 
place this stone in its final resting- 
place." This promise waits fulfill- 
ment, for the stone — a granite block 

6x4 ft. — now lies upon its side in the 
grounds adjacent to the fort, its face, 
protected by planking, turned against 
the wall of the government store- 
house, and the inscription put almost 
beyond reach of the eye of the 
curious visitor. It is said the inten- 
tion was to place the stone above the 
entrance to the fort. Not till the 
government proceeds to finish fully 
the work — or new action shall be 
taken in the case by historical socie- 
ties or interested parties, is there 
hope that this stone of memorial 
shall meet its design. 

liM. The form of the proposed in- 
scription, "in that sonorous Latin, 
which President Popham employed 




From the repositories of the Society of Jesus, addi- 
tional information was drawn in a selection from letters 
of several Jesuit missionaries, published at Paris, in 
1864. {Vide Lettres Inedits, par Auguste Carayon.) 
The letter of Pierre Biard gives details of his visit 
with Biencourt to the Kennebec and vicinity in 161 1. 
The party arrived at the mouth of the river, October 
28th. Biard writes : 

At once our people landed, desirous to see the fort of the Eng- 
lish, for we had perceived by the paths that no one was there. 
Now as in a new thing all is fine, they began to commend and extol 
this enterprise of the English, and to rehearse the advantages of 

in his communication to the king," 
as Mr. Poor remarks,— was set forth 
in the oration, and is worthy of intro- 
duction here : 

In Memoriarn 

Georgii Popham, 

Anglian qui primus ab oris 

Coloniam collocavit in Nov. Anglise 


Augnsti mense annoque MDCVII. 

Leges literasque Anglicanas 

Et fidem ecclesiamque Christi 

In has sylvas duxit. 

Solus ex colonis atque senex obiit 

Nodus Februarys sequentibus, 
Et juxta hunc locum est sepultus. 

Societate Historica Mainensi aaspi- 


In presidio ejus nomen ferente, 

Quarto die ante calendas Septembres 


Multis civibus intuentibus, 

Hie lapis positus est. 

This tablet as yet is but a promise, 
whose fulfillment rests with another 
generation, which, guided by more 
accurate knowledge, may be inspired 
to ensure enduring records of all 
worthy and notable events in the 
early history of our state. 


the situation ; — each one pointed out what he most esteemed in it. 
But after some days, there was quite a change of opinion, for it was 
seen that there was a fine chance to construct an opposing fort, 
which would have imprisoned them, and cut them off from the sea 
and the river. Also although they had indeed been left^ there, still 
would they not after all have enjoyed the advantages of the river 
[exclusively] since it has several other good entrances some dis- 
tance away. [Page 63.] 


But as inasmuch as I have here mentioned the English, some 
one perhaps will wish to know of their adventure, which we learned 
in that place. It is then as follows ; — in the year 1608, the Eng- 
lish began to make a settlement, at one of the mouths of this river 
Kennebec, as we have already said. 

They had then for a leader a very honorable man, and he con- 
ducted himself very kindly towards the natives of the region. It 
is nevertheless said, that the Armouchiquois were afraid of such 
neighbors, and for that reason caused the death of this commander, 
as I have said. These people are accustomed to kill by the use of 

Now in the second year 1609 the English under another com- 
mander, changed their conduct ; — they repelled the savages dis- 
gracefully ; they beat them, they abused them, they set their dogs 
on them with little restraint. Consequently these poor maltreated 
people, exasperated in the present, and presuming on still worse 
things in the future, determined, — as the saying is, — to kill the cub, 
before his teeth and claws should be stronger. An opportunity for 
this presented itself to them one day, when three shallops were 
gone away on a fishing trip. These conspirators followed them 
keenly and coming near, with the best show of friendship, (for 




where there is most treachery, there are the most caresses) they en- 
tered into them, and at a signal given, each one choose his man, and 
killed him with his knife. Thus were dispatched eleven of the 
English. The others intimidated, abandoned their enterprise that 
same year, and have not pursued it since, being satisfied to come in 
the summer for fishing at that island Emetenic, which we have 
mentioned as being eight leagues from the fort which they had 
commenced. [Page 70.] 


Next in order of time came the Lambeth MS., 
discovered by Rev. B. F. DaCosta, of New York, in 
1876, and by him given to the public in the Proceedings 
of the Mass. Hist. Society for May, 1880. Already ex- 
amined, it requires no further mention in this place. 


Recent researches, prosecuted in England, have 
added a fragment of no slight interest in its relation to 
the history of the fated enterprise. "A Description of 
New England " gives the observations of a person who 
had traveled through most of the settlements. Obtained 
by Mr. H. F. Waters, it was published in the N. Eng. 
Hist. Gen. Register, in January, 1885. It has been 
very confidently assigned to Samuel Maverick, of Nod- 


die's Island, and by internal evidence was written about 
1660. Maverick came to the country in 1624, which 
will approximate the date of the writer's visit to the site 
of the colony. The value of this fragment lies in show- 
ing the speedy ruin which fell upon their constructed 

Three leagues distant from Damerells Coue is Sagadahocke at 
the mouth of Kenebeth river, on which place the Lord Poham's 
people setled about fiftie yeares since, but soon after deserted it, 
and returned for England ; I found Rootes and Garden hearbs and 
some old Walles there, when I first went over which shewed it to 
be the place where they had been. - 


In the Sloane Collection in the British Museum ex- 
ists another document of which three copies are there 
found bearing the title, "A True Relation concerning 
The Estate of New England as it was presented to his 
Matie." It discourses upon " the country, the commod- 
ities, and the Inhabitants," but the writer's name does 
not appear. A copy had been printed for a private edi- 
tion by John Scribner Jenness, Esq., in 1876. Later a 
copy was also obtained by Mr. H. F. Waters, and to 
give it the publicity its worth seemed to demand, it was 




printed in the N. Eng. Hist. Gen. Register, January, 
1886. The careful and judicious hand of Dr. Chas. E. 
Banks furnished notes, and also a preface which discusses 
its probable date and authorship. The date is closely 
approximated to 1634, and the name of Capt. Walter 
Neale, of Piscataqua, is suggested as a possible writer. 
Among the statements made respecting various English 
settlements, occurs this paragraph : 

The English are planted in the middest betwixt the Dutch and 
the French. * * * * This part of the countrie was 
manie yeares since planted by the English in the time and by the 
meanes of the Lord Chiefe Justice Popham and some others, and 
especially by Sr Ferdinando Gorges, knight, but these plantations 
prospered not through the ill choice made of places commodious for 
habitation. The present Inhabitants of New Plymouth were the 
first that settled a Plantation to any purpose in New England who 
went thither to inhibite about 15 yeares since. 

In the Proceedings of the Mass. Hist. Society for 
March, 18S6, (Vide Second Series, Vol. 2, p. 244), ap- 
pears a document of interest, contributed to the society by 
Rev. Dr. B. F. DaCosta, by him discovered in the south- 
west of England, in the old city of Plymouth, where Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges held military command. It is a let- 
ter "from ye Councell of Virgina to the Corporation of 
Plymouth ye xvij^ f Februarie, 1608," (N. S., 1609.) 



It was written to invite that corporation to join in the 
enterprise successfully inaugurated by the southern 
colony in Virginia, and solicits their interest and co- 
operation, in view of the failure of the northern colony. 
This fact gives the letter value as evidence of the ill 
success of the Popham enterprise, in which it would 
seem, if not the Old Plymouth corporation itself, its 
prominent citizens or officials had been associated. 

Having understood of yor gene all good disposition towards yor 
advancing of an intended plantagon in Virginia begun by divors 
gentlemen and Marchaunts of the Westerne parts, weh since for 
want of good supplies and seconds here, and that the place wch 
was possessed there by you : answered not those Comodities wch 
meight keepe lief in your good beginnings, it hath not so well suc- 
ceeded as soe worthy intentions and labours did meritt. But by the 
coldenes of the Clymate and other Counaturall necessities yor 
colonie was enforced to retorne : We haue thought fitt nothing 
doubting that this one ill success hath quenched your affections 
from soe hopefull and godlye an action to acquaynt you briefly wth 
the Progresse of our Colonic * * * 


Very gratifying enlargement of our knowledge of the 
colony is derived from recently discovered letters of Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges. These of rare value, obtained by 



tireless research in the repositories of English State 
papers and private libraries, by James P. Baxter, Esq., 
are taken from his work recently published by the Prince 
Society of Boston, entitled, " Sir Ferdinando Gorges and 
his Province of Maine." They were written with direct 
reference to the Popham enterprise, and give important 
facts, and also include very frank statements of inward 
ills afflicting the colony, which caused him much solici- 
tude. Gorges' avowals respecting the leaders, and the 
ill-assorted and factious materials comprised in the col- 
ony, give clearer grounds than heretofore for accurate 
conclusions respecting its affairs. Our gratification at 
these new disclosures is colored by regret that other 
similar letters of Gorges of a later date were not pre- 


[Sir Ferdinando Gorges and bis Province of Maine, Vol. Ill, pp. 154-157.] 

Right Honorll. This present day, heere is arived on of our 
fhipps out of the partes of Virginia, wth greate newes of a fertill 
Contry, gallant Rivers, stately Harbors, and a people tractable (so 
discreete Courses bee taken wth them,) but no returne. to satisfy 
the expectation of the Adventurers, the wch may bee an occasion, 
to blemish the reputaciou of the designe, although in reason it could 
not bee otherwayes, both bycause of the shortness of theyr aboad 



there (wch was but two monethes) as also, theyr want of meanes 
to follow theyr directions, theyr number being so small, and theyr 
busines so great, beside in very truthe, the defect and wante of 
understandinge of som of those imployed, to performe what they 
weare directed unto, from whense, there did not only proceede con- 
fusion, but thorough pride and arrogansay, faction, and privat reso- 
lution, as more at large your Lor : shall perceave by my next, wth 
the particulars therof in the meane time, I have sente this inclosed, 
humbly beseeching, it may bee deliuered to Sr Fransis Popham, 
whome I doubt not, but will at large accquaynte your Lor pp what 
he receaveth, although I beleeve hee will not heare of all, that hath 
paste. For my owne opinion, I am confident, there will bee divers 
reasons to perswade a constant resolution, to persue this rjlace, as 
firste the bouldnes of the Coaste, the easines of the navigation, the 
fertility of the soyle, and the several 1 sortes of Commodityes, that 
they ar ashured, the contry do yealde, as namely fish in the season, 
in great plenty, all the Coste alonge mastidge for shipps, goodly 
oakes, and Ceadcrs, wth infinit other sortes of trees, Rasom, hempe, 
grapes very fayre and excellent good, wherof they have already 
made wine, much like to the Claret wine that comes out of France, 
rich Funs if they can keepe the Frenchmen from the trade, as for 
mettalls they can say nothinge, but they ar confidente there is in 
the Contry, if they had meanes to seeke for it, neither could they go 
so high, as the Allom mines ar, wch the Savages doth ashure them 
there is great plenty of. 

Thusmouch I humbly desire may satisfy your LorPP. at this 
present untill I bee better able to furnish your LorPP. wth the 
rest that they can say. I haue likewise sent your LorPP. Mr 
Challoones his letter, brought mee out of Spayne, wherby it may 
appeare unto your Honor, what hopes hee had at the writinges 

thereof ; 


thereof; howsoever for my particular I do infinitely thinke my- 
selfe bounde to your LorPP. in theyr behalfe, and do yealde humble 
thankes for your Hono: favor, shewed towardes them: theyr Case 
is miserable, and the wronges profered them infinite. I know not 
how to helpe it, but humbly to implore for theyr releases those 
who ar beste able to do them good and to ease theyr necessityes in 
what I may, all the rest of the adventurers having given them over. 
Even so recommending your LorPP. to Gods protection I humbly 
take my leave resting in all servise during my life 
Your Lor p P 3 humbly to bee Comaunded 


I should have remembred your Lor pp that the Contry doth 
yealde Sauceparelia in a great aboundance and a certaifne silke that 
doth grow in small Codds, a sample wherof I will send this night 
or to morrow. 

Plymouth this 1 of December late at night 1607. 

[Cecil Papers, 123-77.] 


[Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine, Vol. Ill, pp. 158-160.] 

Right Ilonorall : It seemes to bee moste certayne, that ther is 
no enterprise (how well so ever intended) but hath his particular 
impedimentes meeting wth many oppositions, and infinite Crosses as 
in this small attempt, (begun by my Lo : Cheefe Justice out of a 
noble zeale to his prince and Contry (amongst many others) it is ex- 
periensed) for firste as hee was honorable himselfe, so he thought 
all others weare, beleeving what they toulde him, and trustinge to 




what, they promised, by wch meanes, his LorPP. was not a litle de- 
ceaved of what hee expected, for neither were his provisions 
answerable to his Charge bestowed, nor the persons imployed such 
as they ought ; in as much as the wantes of the on was cause of 
inabilety to performe what was hoped ; & the Childish factions, 
ignorant timerous, and ambitiouse persons, (for of that nature I 
founde the composition to bee) hath bread an unstable resolution, 
and a generall confusion, in all theyr affayres. For firste the Presi- 
dent himselfe is an honest man, but ould, and of an uuwildy body, 
and timerously fearfull to offende, or conteste wth others that will 
or do oppose him, but otherwayes a discreete carefull man, Cap- 
tayne Gilberte is described to mee from thense to bee desirous of 
supremasy, and rule, a loose life, prompte to sensuality, litle zeale 
in Religion, humerouse, head stronge, and of small judgment and 
experiense, other waves valiant inough, but he houldes that the 
kinge could not give away that, by Pattent, to others wch ? his Father 
had an Act of Parliament for, and that hee will not bee put out of 
it in haste wth many such like idle speeches wch (allthough hee bee 
powrlesse to performe oughte) weare not unfit to bee taken notice 
of bycause it weare good in my opinion that all such occasion were 
taken away, as may hinder the publique proceedinge, and let the 
cause of sedicion bee plucked up by the Eoote, before it do more 
harm ; besides hee hath sent (as I am farther informed) into England 
for divers of his freindes to com to him, for the strenglming of his 
party on all occasions (as hee terms it) wth much more that I have 
receaved notis of to this effect : wch I thought it my duety to 
advertise your Lor^P. in time, that som course may bee taken, to 
prevent mischiffe. w^h must bee don by immediate authority from 
thense, taking no farther notise heerof, than your wisdom shall 
think good, but the better to manifest, and to bringe all to light, 



wthout callinge the authors in Quaestion, your Lorpp. may be pleased 
to sende downe present commaunde, to intercept all letters whatso- 
ever, and to whomsoever, and to cause them to bee sent up, (for I 
know in whose possession these letters ar yet, and I think I shall 
finde the meanes to keep them from being delivered in haste. As 
for the reste of the Persons imployed, they are either fit for theyr 
Places or tolerable, But the Preacher is moste to bee commended, 
both for his Paynes in his place, and his honest indevors ; as 
also is Captayne Robert Daues, and like wise Mr. Turner theyr 
Phisitian, who is com over, to sollicite theyr supplyes, and to in- 
forme the state of every particular. I haue sayde in my last to your 
LorPP. what I think how necessary it is, this busines shoulde bee 
thoroughly followed, but if I should tell your Honr. how much I am 
affected unto it in my owne nature, it may bee that my commenda- 
tions therof would bee of the lesse credit, but I desire in my soule, 
that it would please God, his Mty would take it into his owne 
handes unto whome (of right) the conquest of kingdoms doth apper- 
tayne, and then should I think my selfe moste happy to receave 
such imployment in it, as his highnes shoulde thinke mee fit for, 
and I woulde not doubte but wth a very litle charges, to bring to 
passe infinite thinges ; I will say no more of it, at this present, only 
I make no quaestion but that your LorPP. will finde it to be of greater 
moment than it can easily bee beleeved to bee ; I have sent unto 
your LorPP. the Journalls that were taken by on of the Shippes, as 
I receaved it from theyr going out, untill theyr returne, by wch the 
navigation will appeare to bee as easy as to Newfound lande but 
much more hopefull. Even so commending your Lorpp to Gods 
holy protection I will ever rest during life 

Your LorshP* ,s humbly to bee commaunded 

Plymouth 3 of December. 

[Cecil Papers, 123-81.] 




[Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine, Vol. Ill, pp. ltil-164.] 

Right HonorU: 

Our second shipp is returned out of the partes of Virginia, but 
wth advertisement of nothinge more, then wee receaved at the first, 
only the extremity of the winter, hath ben great, and hath sorely 
pinched our People, notwithstanding (thankes bee unto God) they 
have had theyr healthes exceedingly well, although theyr Cloathes 
were but thinne and theyr dyets poore, for they have not had on 
sicke from the time they came thither to the instant of theyr 
cominge away. Y e President, and his People, feedes us still wth 
hopes of wonders, that wilbee had from thence ia time, but I feare 
mee, ther must go other manner of spiritts to settle those busines, 
before it wilbe brought to passe, for I finde the continuance of theyr 
idle proceedinges, to have mutch prejudicialld the publique good, 
devidinge themselves into factions, each disgracing the other, even 
to the Savages, the on emulatinge the others reputation amongst 
those brutish people ; whose conversation, and familiarity they haue 
most frequented, w ch is on of the eheefest reasons, wee have to hope 
in time, to gayne that, wch presently cannot bee had, they shew 
themselves exceeding subtill and conninge, concealing from us the 
places, wheare they haue the comodityes wee seeke for, and if they 
finde any, that hath promised to bring us to it, those that came out 
of England instantly carry them away, and will not suffer them to 
com neere us any more. 

These often returnes wthout any comodity hath much discour- 
aged our adventurers, in espetiall in these partyes although in 
common reason, it bee not to bee looked for, that from a savage wil- 
dernes, any great matters of moment can presently bee gotten for 

it is 


it is arte and industry that produceth those thinges, even from the 
furthest places of the worlde, and therfor I am afrayde, wee shall 
have much a doo, to go forwards as wee ought, wherfor it weare to 
bee wished that som furtherance might bee had (if it weare possible) 
from the cheefe springe of our happines, I meane his Maty, who at 
the laste must reape the benefit of all our travell, as of right it 
belonges unto him ; besides if it please your Lopp. to looke into it, 
wth those eyes wth the wcli you pearce the greatest and most ob- 
scure conjectures you will finde it most necessary, it should bee so, 
both for many publique and private reasons as first the certaynty 
of the coinmodityes that may bee had from so fertill a soyle as that 
is, when it shalbee peopled as well for buildinge of shippinge, 
havinge althinges risinge in the place, wherwith to do it, as also 
may other hopes therof to insew, as the increase of the Kinges 
Navy, the breedinge of marriners, the imployment of his People, 
fillinge the world wth expectation and satisfyinge his subjectes 
wth hopes who now ar sicke in despayre and in time will growe 
desperate through necessity, also hee shall sease that to himselfe, 
& to his posterity, thewch hee shall no sooner quite, but his nigh- 
bors will enter into, and therby make themselves greate, as hee 
might have don, for at this instant, the french ar in hande wth the 
natives, to practise upon us, proinisinge them, if they will put us 
out of the Contry, and not trade wth none of oures, they will com 
unto them and give the succors agaynst theyr Enemyes, and as our 
People heares, they have been this yeare wth fowre shippes to the 
Southwardes of them som 50 Leag : and the truth is, this place is 
so stored wth excellent harbors and so boulde a coaste, as it is able 
to invite any actively minded, to indevor the possessinge therof, if 
it weare only to keepe it out of the handes of others. I could say 
much more in this, but I am loathe to bee over troblesom to your 



LorPP. and therfor I will thus conclude under your LorPP ? . Favor, 
that I wish his highnes would bee pleased, to adventure but on of 
his middle sorte of shippes, wth a small pinnace, and vthall to give 
his letters, and commission, to countenance and authorefy, the worthy 
enterpriser, and I durste my selfe, to undertake, to procure them to 
bee victualld by the adventurers, of these partes, for the discovery 
of the whole coaste alonge, from the firste to the seconde Colony, 
espetially to spende the moste parte of the time in the searche of 
those places already possessed, and for niyne owne parte, I should 
bee proude, if I might bee thought worthy to bee the man, co- 
maunded to the accomplishment heerof, by his Highnes and should 
thinke it a season well spente, wherin I should have so many hopes 
to serve my Con try, wherof the least would bee in tl^is sleepy 
season, the inablinge of my owne judgment, and experience in these 
maren causes, therby, the better heerafter on all occasion, to dis- 
charge my duty to my Soverayne. Alwch I humbly recomend to 
your Hon : wisdom, to bee so handled as you shall vouchsafe to 
think good, for the reputation of him, whome you have tyed to you, 
by many obligations, and even so I will humbly comend your Lopp. 
to Gods holy protection, restinge ever 

Your Lopp 3 . humbly to bee comaunded 

Plymouth this 7 of February [1008]. 

[Cecil Papers, 120-66.] 

Two more letters, — in point of time earlier than the 
foregoing, — can not well be omitted from a full history 
of the undertaking, beset from the first with difficulties, 
of which this case is an instance. It discloses the char- 


acter and temper of the men of Plymouth. Out of the 
verbiage of deference and compliments is gathered the 
fact that these citizens, who had agreed to a partnership 
in the foreign enterprise recommended by Sir John 
Popham, were much dissatisfied with the conditions and 
the officials selected to manage it, and now quite testily 
stood back and would have nothing to do with it, unless 
some changes agreeable to them were made. We have 
no hint of the result. These letters are dated just one 
month after the charter of King James had allowed an 
effective beginning in plans for the proposedjcolony. 



[Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine, Vol. Ill, pp. 122-23.] 

Right HonoUe : 

Our humble dutyes remembrecl. It hath pleased or very good 
Lorde, the Lo : Chiefe Justice of Englande out of an Honorable dispo- 
sition to recomende uuto us an euterprice for establishmte of a Plan- 
tacon in the parts of America ; whereunto we weave dvawen to 
assent (uppon hope to obtayne suche free and veasonable Conditions 
as had in former tymes ben graunted, by hev late Matye of famous 
memorye, to certeine particuler Gent : But sithence, it appeares, that 
it hath ben thoughte more Convenyent (for respects beste knowne to 
yor LoPP:) to assigne us to be dyrected (under his Matye :) by a Coun- 
cell of dy vers, some very worthie and worple : persons, others, of the 



same rancke and quallytie orselves are, the greatest parte, strangers 
to us & or proceedings, wch neverthelesse, being donne wth yor Lo : 
prevetye, we doubte not of anie inconvenyence or discomodity w c h 
maie growe thereby ; and therefore doe whollye referre orselves to 
yor Honohle : Care over us. And for or further desires to yor Lo r pp : 
we leaue to be more largely related by Captn Love the bearer 
hereof whome we haue purposely sent upp to that ende, and 
(amongeste the reste. to become an humble suto r , to yor Lorpp. that 
it woulde please you to Vouchsafe us yor favorable protection and 
helpe, as one in whome, we in this behalf, as in all other things 
(nexte unto his Matye) doe desire to make or cheefe dependencye, 
and to be assisted by yor self wth suche other Honoble & worthie 
persons as in your wisdome shalhe thought fitt, amongeste whome 
we Cannot but remember the Lord Cheefe Justice wth r humble 
thanks for his good affection towards us in this behalf. And for 
that we have had many testimonyes & apparances of yo r Lorpps 
love & favor towards us herein, we are bold at this present to be- 
seeche the Contynewance thereof, and haue promised wth orselves 
not to proceede further wthout yt, whollye rely in ge uppon yo r 
favor & wisdome, to be disposed of, both in bodye and goods, so 
farre forthe, as you shalbe pleased to Comaund. And in the 
meane tyme we will contynewallye praie for all Honor and happines 
to you and yors 5 humbly cravinge pardon for our overboldnes in 
beinge thus trowblesome to yor good Lo r ^i )0 : to whome we doe reste 
in all dutiefull service. 

Yor Lo : moste humblie to Comaund 


deputie inaior and his bretlierin. 
From Plymouth this 10th of Maye 1G06. 

[Cecil Papers, 116-39.] 



[Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine, Vol. Ill, pp. 123-126.] 

Right Honorable : 

My humble dutie remembred : Thorough the mocon att firste 
of some particuler persons, and weel afected of these partes in this 
Idle tyme to bring to passe somethinge worthie his Mats gratious 
acceptance. It hath pleased my Lo : Cheife Justice out of an ho : 
disposition to advaunce theire proceedings and (as yt seemes) to be 
a meanes for the obteyninge of his highnes free leave and good 
liking as by his letters Pattents yt doth att lardg appere to severall 
parties graunted. But some things there are whereunto they finde 
them sealves tied wch hath exceedinglie cooled the heate of theire 
afections that att firste did make profer of theire adventures. As 
namelie they are upon all occacons to expecte theire directions. 
for theire govermt from certeyne whome his matie hath elected to 
be of his Councell for those afaires in and about the Cittie, and al- 
though many of them exceeding worthie, yet diuers Cittizens both 
of London, Bristow, and Exon well knowen to have noe manner 
of understanding what belongeth thereunto more then ordinarie. 
Besides for them heere to be tyed upon all occacons to Poste yt to 
London, is a matter soe tedeous and chargeable as they are wholie 
distasted wth the ymagination thereof, and as I perceave they have 
written to his Lo : they utterlie refuse to proceede any farther, unles 
they may be soe happie, as to obteyne yor Lo : ho : favor to joyne 
wth his Lo : for the delivering of them from soe heavie a yoake as 
they ymagine this in tyme wilbe unto them. And in deed when yt 
was once bruted that soe many Cittizens and Tradesmen weare 
made councellors to his highnes for the disposing of theire afaires 
that on theire private chardg undertooke the enterprize, all the 



gentlemen that before weare willing to be lardge adventurers pres- 
entlie wthdrew themsealves and by noe meanes will have to doe 
therein. But now the pore Townesinen of Plymouth relyeing them- 
sealves upon yor lo : ho : favor doe humblie ymploare your protec- 
tion hoping by yor : ho : meanes to finde releese or otherwise they 
doe dispayer of any future good hereof to ensew unto them. 
And undoubtedlie (yf my judgmt doe not much deceave me) yt wilbe 
a matter of that momente and consequence both unto his matie and 
our whole nation as yt weare greate pittie yt should be suffered to 
fall to the grounde. Xeyther can theare be any thinge more ho : 
then free Condicons to be graunted to such as willinglie doe hazard 
themsealves and theire estats wthout farther chardg to his highnes, 
to sease him of soe lardge Territories as they promyse to doe. And 
for ought I perceave theire desier (more then is graunted alreadie) 
is principally that they may be assigned to your Lo : and my Lorde 
Cheife Justice wth such other ho : and worthie persons as you shall 
thinke fitt to take unto you for your more easie execution of his 
highnes pleasuer as occacon from tyme to tyme shall require, and 
that there may be certeyne Comyssiones authorized and by you chosen 
out of these partes that may att all tymes be presente redelie to 
receave and execute those directions to the ease of all beere wthout 
theire farther troble or chardge, and that they may be exempted 
from having to doo wth those Citizens and townesmen nomynated 
in his Ma l s graunte, whome they see are like heereafter to prevayle 
agaynste them in that they have alreadie gotten the govermt over 
them, soe as they can looke for noe manner of libertie more then 
shall stand wth theire likinge, or sorte to the proritt of theire 
severall Corporacons, and therefore they are become humble suters 
to yo r good Lo : for obteyninge theire release in that behaulfe. And 
that being graunted yt is doubtles that many worthie and brave 



spirites will easilie be drawen to Ingage themsealves in this De- 
signe, and the rather yf they finde they may walke under the 
shelter and by the direction of soe ho : a person as yor sealfe, wch I 
proteste I speake not to natter, as I doubte not but the sequell will 
manyfestlie mencon, and weare my meanes answerable I would say 
more then now I can, but as yt is I will for ever acknowledg yt 
your Lo : and my sealfe to be disposed of during liefe as, 

Your Lo: in all services most humblie to be comaunded 


From the forte bie Plimoth the 10th of Maie 1606. 

[Cecil Papers, 116-40.] 

Besides these letters here presented in full, it is re- 
quired to append several brief incidental statements, 
which embody facts, or refer to the affairs, of the col- 

Sir Ferdinando Gorges, writing March 13, 1607, 
[N. S.], to Capt. Henry Challons, at Seville, after his 
capture, and advising him concerning a settlement, 
adds : 

* * * * for you knowe that the ioniey hath bene noe smale 
Chardge unto us yt first sent to the Coast and had for our returne 
but the fiue salvadges whereof two of the principall you had with 
you and since wtbin two monthes after your depture we sent out 
another shippe to come to your supply and now againe we have 
made a new preparacon of divers others all web throughe your mis- 
fortune is likelie to be frustrate and our time and Chardge lost. * * 

[Vol. Ill, p. 139.] 



This clearly refers first to the voyage of Waymouth, 
1605, and connects Gorges, Sir John Popham and others 
with it as interested patrons furnishing funds. His next 
statement bears upon the time of the voyage of Han- 
ham and Pring. He wrote in the Brief Narration, that 
"shortly after," the second vessel was despatched; but 
now, only a few months subsequent, when his memory 
should have been accurate, he says, " within two months," 
by which we must conclude it was at the least some- 
what more than a month. Hence as Challons sailed 
August 1 2th, Pring could not have sailed till towards 
the end of September. Hence this preliminary explora- 
tion on the Maine coast must have occurred in Novem- 
ber or later, according to the length of the outward voy- 
age. Further, Gorges here shows that early in the 
spring of 1607, active measures were taken in fitting out 
ships for planting the colony on the New England coast. 
In writing "divers others," he seems to imply a larger 
number made ready than the two which sailed, and gives 
color to the inference respecting his assertion in the 
Brief Narration (p. 21) that "three sail of ships" were 
despatched, — that in fact so many were intended and 
prepared, but for unknown reasons one was surrendered. 
Perhaps the dissatisfaction of the Plymouth men, as in- 
dicated in the foregoing letters, may not have been 




healed, and thereby the patronage and material aid 
were diminished. 

Gorges, writing to Cecil, August 7, 1607, at the time 
when he may have believed the expedition had reached 
the Maine coast, manifests his ardent hopefulness of suc- 
cessful results, in this way : 

I cannot as yet giue any aslmrance to your LorP p of the particu- 
lars of the estate of the Contry where wee have sent our Colony, 
But (if I bee not much deceaued) it will prove it selfe to bee such. 
as there wilbee great reason to induce sorn noble nature to under- 
take throughly the protection for the accomplishment therof : it 
beinge a designe for the astern izinge of an honerable memory. 

[Page 150.] 

He further indicates his own interest in the hopeful 
scheme, and professes, that he shall be ready and most 
happy if choice should fall upon him, to go thither, in 
any capacity as he shall be esteemed fit, by which he 
can serve his Majesty and his country. Already his 
fancy is constructing a grand scheme of colonization and 
government with its honors and material rewards, such 
as he afterwards so vainly strove to realize. 

Valuable facts concerning communication with the 
colony are furnished in a letter to Secretary Cecil, 

bearing date, March 20, 1607, [n. s. 1608.] 



* # * # a s concerninge our Plantation, we have found the 
ineanes to encowrage our selves a newe, and have sent two shippes 
from Topsome for the supplies of those that be there, wth victualles, 
& other necessaryes, havinge sett downe the meanes how we shalbe 
able, by Maye next, to send one more of 200 tunnes. We frame 
unto our selves many reasons of infinite good, that is likely to befall 
our countrye, if our meanes fayle us not to accomplish it. But we 
hope, before Sumer be past, to give such satisfaction to the worlde 
here of, as none that are lovers of their Nation, but will, (for one 
cause or other) be willinse to wish it well at the least, what crosses 
soever we have receaved heretofore. Yet I am verely perswaded, 
that ye end will make amendes for all ; For it is sure, it is a very 
excellent countrye both in respecte of the clyme, as also the multi- 
tude of goodlye Rivers & harboures it doth abound with all Resides 
the severall comodityes that a fertile soyle will yeelde ; when arte, 
and industrye shalbe used for the ease of Xature, the wh seemes to 
shewe her selfe exceedinge bouutifull in that place. * * * 

[Page 165.] 

The letters of the previous December and February, 
already given, complete the story of the colony so far as 
anything from the pen of Gorges enables us to follow it. 

One other letter, drawn from the papers of Secretary 
Cecil (Earl of Salisbury), was written by Capt. Popham 
on the very day of departure from England, which he 
should never see again, and has little worth except to 
disclose to us the man as he looks towards the enterprise 
to which he has heartily committed himself; and also 



as he generously commends a person to succeed him in 
the revenue service. 


[Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine, Vol. III. pp. 143-144.] 

Remembringe my self in all humble dutifulnes unto my righte 
honorable good lord, doe by theis make bolde to advertize, that I 
directed my late Ires unto yo r L^ concerninge a commaunde I had 
from my Lo : Cheife Justice of England, to appointe my self unto 
the discoverye and populacon of the western Colony in Virginia. I 
wishe my desire mighte goe accompanyed w*h any of the leaste ac- 
ceptable service therein, yet durste I promise by due endevors to 
give my beste addicon unto the same. I sente alsoe a Ire in that of 
myne enclosed, concerninge the passage of our merchantes aboute 
theire occasions in Spaine, & Portugal!, whereof I thoughte fytt to 
acquainte yor honor. I am induced nowe againe in this my second 
to offer boldnes, wch goeth in the due commenda<;on of this bearer 
Mr Rowland Jones Collector of his Mats Customes wthin the porte 
of Bridgwater, whoe intendeth to be a suter unto yor ho : upon 
some occasions throuudie wch he niaie obtaine a settled determinacon 
to contynewe in Somerset, by many desired there, beinge of credicte, 
by meanes of his honeste, discrete, & respective carriage. May it 
please yor good Lp to yelde him your favourable furtherance, either 
by yor Ires or otherwise upon allowable grounds of his reasonable 
suts, the wc u he shall make inanifeste, doubtles he will not onlie 
highlie holde him self bound to yor honor, but also my self will 
rest most thankfull in his behalf. He is well knowne to the Lis of 
Northampton and Suffolk as I was tolde in London, in regard of his 



true and faithefull services done to the lord vicount Byndon of 
whome he was long time a follower. Even soe referringe bothe my 
self, and him unto yor moste hoble and gratious favours doe com- 
mytt the same wth my many praiers unto the preservation of the 
Highest, and moste humblie take my leave. From Plymouth this 
Laste of Maye 1607. 

Yor honors moste humble to commaund 

[Cecil Papers, 121-65.] 

His recommendation was received favorably, as 
another document shows: 

" Whereas M r George Popham his Mats Customer of the Porte 
of Bridgwater and the members thereof being by my good likinge 
and consente gonn in the late voyage to Virginia," appoints Row- 
land Jones as Deputy during his absence. 1607. 

[Cecil Papers, 124-115.] 

Near the close of this year was issued from the press 
an important and serviceable work relating to the open- 
ing period of settlement into which the Popham enter- 
prise falls. " The Genesis of the United States," by 
Mr. Alexander Brown, of Virginia, the results of years 
of eager research, mining for materials in the very 



sources of history, is mainly a series of original manu- 
scripts, numbering 365, pertaining to the years 1605- 
1616, in which the English nation secured a firm foot- 
hold on the American coast by colonies which laid 
foundations for these United States. To show these 
beginnings, weak, harrassed, tottering, beset by hitherto 
unrecognized difficulties, is the purpose of Mr. Brown's 
rich volumes. He has drawn from well known early 
histories, from rare books, tracts, and various issues of 
the press in the period studied, but more largely from 
records and documents never yet published. The copies 
of official papers obtained from the Spanish archives 
are exceedingly interesting and valuable. Notes, mem- 
oranda, outlines, from the author's hand, help the docu- 
ments to tell the story, or make references to subsidiary 
materials for the historian's study of details. The 
greater part of these documents concern the settlements 
on the James river and the Chesapeake ; small portions 
bear directly upon operations on the coast of Maine. 

Chief in importance among the treasures Mr. Brown 
has collected, and of great value in aid of our present 
study, is the " Plan of St. George's Fort," (p. 190.) It 
gives clear and conclusive evidence on several points, 
and is very serviceable in respect to the finer details. 
In anticipation of these volumes of Mr. Brown, some- 


what of delay in bringing oat this work seemed reason- 
able and necessary, to gain the benefit of his valuable 

This carefully drawn plan, unless somewhat exag- 
gerated on paper, gives evidence of the elaborate char- 
acter of the fort, which was the home and the defence 
of the colony, and as well the token of permanent seizure 
of the soil of Maine. It heightens in a measure our 
conception of the original purpose and vigor of the 
enterprise. It will be further considered in the Ap- 
pendix under Location of the Fort, etc. 

It is, however, a curious fact that this plan of Pop- 
ham's Fort should come to us from the Spanish archives 
alone. Were a copy in existence anywhere in England, 
it seems it would by this time have been brought to 
light. Hence these questions : Were copies of the 
plan drawn, or engraved, and freely distributed, or did 
the Spanish ambassador, by his friends, his tools, his 
spies, obtain a copy, or even pirate the single original? 
It must be regarded fortunate in the extreme that a copy 
was by the ambassador transmitted as an official paper 
to his master, Philip III, and thereby preserved, and 
now, after 2S0 years, brought out to bear witness to 
students of history respecting the transient colony at 




Other contributions to our knowledge of the enter- 
prise, from this collection of manuscripts, are but few 
and fragmentary and have no pronounced value ; indeed, 
being rumors and reports gotten by the Spanish am- 
bassador or his agents, they became questionable for 
historical reliance, but must be introduced here. 

A letter of the ambassador at London, Don Pedro 
de Zuniga, to Philip, of January, 1607, informs him of 
the preparation of armed vessels for Virginia, and the 
intention to send two each month till they have 2,000 
men there; then further adds: "And they will do the 
same from Plymouth, so that there also two vessels are 
ready to sail." (Page 8S.) This indicates that the ad- 
venturers of the north colony had made seasonable 
progress ; still, these vessels reported " ready to sail," — 
undoubtedly the Gift and the Mary and John — did not 
sail till the end of May, unless, as is most improbable, 
they were vessels of which we have no trace elsewhere. 

In a letter of July 30, 1607, referring to his previous 
report of the movement towards Virginia, Zuniga finds 
nothing to add, "except that the Chief Justice has died, 
who was the man who most desired it, and was best able 
to aid it." (Page 104.) 

In these despatches to the Spanish court, he employs 
the name Virginia, without distinction of north and 




south colonies. But he evidently makes special refer- 
ence to the former in a letter of the 8th of October, 
reporting : " I hear that from Plymouth they have 
settled another district near the other. I shall be care- 
ful to find out about what is going on, and I shall report 
to Y. M. [Your Majesty] ; but I should consider it very 
desirable that an end should be now made of the few 
who are there, for that would be digging up the Root, 
so that it could put out no more." (Page 122.) In more 
vigorous terms does he express his opinions in hostility 
to English colonies fastening upon territory Spai-n would 
claim, and urges active and severe measures, in a letter 
to the King of October 1 6th, after receiving through 
the Earl of Salisbury King James' reply expressing un- 
willingness to order the return of colonies, as that would 
be acknowledging the Spanish claim. Zuniga writes : 

" Those who are urging the colonization of Virginia, become 
every day more eager to send people, because it looked to them as 
if this business was falling to sleep after all that has been done for 
it, and before Nativity there will sail from here and from Plymouth 
rive or six ships. It will be serving God and Y. M. to drive these 
villains out from there, hanging them in time which is short enough 
for the purpose." [Page 124.] 

The Spanish Council repeats this plea, and Nov. 10, 

advises the king that to take possession of Virginia will 


dispossess the English, and therefore, though proceeding 

" It will be well to issue orders that the small fleet stationed to 
the Windward, which for so many years has been in a state of 
preparation, should be instantly made ready, and forthwith proceed 
to drive out all who are now in Virginia, since their small number 
will make this an easy task, and this will suffice to prevent them 
from again coming to that place." 

And Philip endorsed his council's report with — 

"Roval Decree : Let such measures be taken in -this business 
as may now aud hereafter appear proper." [Pages 126-7.] 

But no fleet reached the Sagadahoc, nor the James 
river, for postponement of the project became necessary 
on account of the long delay to ensure readiness for the 

Similar warlike counsel, vigorous purpose, then 
delay, indecision and inaction are disclosed by Spanish 
documents during subsequent years till action could be 
of little avail, also reports of the weakness of the 
colonies, that they would die of themselves, or be with- 
drawn, aided the dallying attitude of Spain. 

On the 15th of January, 1609, Zuniga writes his 





" The colony which the Chief Justice sent out to Virginia has 
returned in a sad plight. Still there sails now a good ship and 
tender, to be somewhere in the neighborhood of the Havana, (i. e., 
to go by a route passing somewhere near Havana, Cuba.) From 
the best information that I can obtain they say that they carry 
news of having probably found some mines ; this is not certain. 
They will proceed to the aforesaid Virginia, where they will en- 
deavor to make themselves very strong." [Pages 197-S.] 

Two days later he writes again : 

" They are likewise negotiating with the Baron of Arundel * * 
that he shall engage to go with 500 Englishmen, and with as many 
Irishmen, to settle in Virginia, to fortify themselves there, and to 
take the necessary supplies, so as to put it in the best state of 
defense." [Page 198.] 

Another letter of March 5, 1609, which he sends to 
Philip, says : 

" On Dec. 12, I wrote Y. M. how two vessels left here [London] 
for Virginia, and afterwards I heard that they carried up to 150 
men, most of whom were men of distinction." [Page 243.] 

Zuniga then treats of propositions made to Arundel, 
his conditions and demands, — the rejection of them, and 
his exclusion, — which the ambassador thinks was really 
on the grounds that he was suspected of being a Catho- 




lie. Zuniga plainly exhibits Arundel currying the favor 
of Philip, and ready with duplicity to subserve his pur- 

Philip, in a letter in May, directs to be cautious in 
dealing with Arundel, " for he may be a traitor." 

His long letter closes with this sentence: 

" I have also been told that two vessels are leaving Plymouth 
with men to people that country which they have taken which is 
farther of." [Page 247.] 




HIS preliminary voyage (Vide Introduction, p. 11) bore so 
vital a relation to the whole enterprise, that all known 
details of the misfortunes of the company are properly 
required in this work. Gorges had given a brief state- 
ment in the "Brief Narration ; " the narrative by the escaped pilot, 
John Stoneman, (Purchas, Vol. 4, p. 1832.) covers events for more 
than a year, Aug., 1606, to Oct., 1607. These recent most valuable 
works, Mr. Baxter's ' ; Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of 
Maine/' and Mr. Brown's " Genesis of the United States," previously 
noticed, make quite complete our information of this disastrous 
undertaking. From these four sources the materials for this sketch 
are obtained. 

Gorges seems to imply (Brief Narration, p. 18) that he sent out 
this ship as his own adventure. Others give to Sir John Popham 
an equal or larger share in it. for Stoneman writes, "Victualled for 
eleven or twelve months, at the charges of the Honourable Sir John 
Popham, Knight, Lord Chief Justice of England, Sir Ferdinando 


. ■ 


Gorges, Knight, Captaine of the Fort of Plimouth, together with 
divers other Worshipful Knights, Gentlemen and Merchants of the 
West Country." Nevill Davis writes from Seville to Justice Pop- 
ham, addressing him as "one of the chiefest adventurers." A 
quantity of merchandise was shipped in charge of a factor, Daniel 
Tucker, indicating a plan for foreign trade as well as examination 
of the country. Indeed Stoneman stated that if any good occasion 
offered they were to leave in the country as many men as could be 
spared. In respect to the destination of the ship, Tucker writes, 
"bound for Floredae ; " Davis writes, " in a pretended voyage, beinge 
for a new discovery in norweast parts, lat. 41°— 42°." These state" 
ments may indicate that secrecy or dissimulation was employed to 
cover their purpose. But Stoneman, when certainly there was Tittle 
need of pretence, wrote clearly, " for the North Plantation of Vir- 
ginia," and discovery of the coasts about Lat. 43° 30'. Gorges 
likewise shows, that it was intended for those parts whence the 
savages had been taken by Waymouth. He also in his Narration, 
written long after, and liable to errors by the dim memory of an old 
man, avers that he ordered Challons and company to take a north- 
erly course, rather than the customary one, or be charged with any 
miscarriage of the voyage, and that his orders were violated. Stone- 
man makes no admission of the fact of departing from instruc- 
tions, but states that after they had passed the Canaries, contrary 
winds drove them to a more southerly course than intended. No one 
of Gorges' letters of the time, which we have as yet, hints at any 
violation of instructions ; indeed, his letter to Challons has not a 
word of blame, but rather a commendation, "I rest satisfied for 
your part of the proceeding of the voyage," calling it his t; misfor- 
tune." Xor does Stoneman support Gorges in his statement of the 
sickness of Challons, and misspent time at Porto Pico. He says they 



generously put ashore there a Franciscan friar, whom in pitiable 
plight they had taken from Dominica. From thence they made in 
their northward course 180 leagues, then were assailed by a furious 
storm of two days, and evidently in the clearing of the rain and fog, 
Nov. 10, they found themselves in the midst of a Spanish fleet, and 
were forced to submit to capture and harsh and brutal treatment. 
The vessel was plundered, and the company distributed into five 
ships of the fleet, which were ordered to Seville. Stoneman and six 
others were put into one of 180 tons, the Peter, of Seville, and after 
many days in the proved incompetency of the pilot, he yielded to 
solicitation and took charge, and was the first to bring his ship to 
port, reaching the bar of St. Lucas Christmas eve. Their examina- 
tion before the Duke of Medina, by the aid of an interpreter, David 
Nevill, an Englishman, of St. Lucas, told in their favor, but they 
were sent to Seville, and there without examination were thrust 
into prison. Others from the several ships, including the Captain, 
within a month came to share their misery. Stoneman and several 
associates had been examined by the President of the Contractation, 
and no just cause of offence found, but attempts were still made to 
elicit information respecting Virginia. It seems that these men 
were detained as prisoners for this one chief purpose, but also the 
whole matter was used as a means to warn off the English from the 
American coast, to which Spain laid claim. Capt. Challons, by the 
favor of the Duke of Medina, was at his coming given his freedom, 
but generously remained to succor his distressed crew, and shared 
their imprisonment, soon, however, gaining a degree of liberty 
under bonds given by two English merchants. The master, 
Nicholas Hine, likewise at his coming released by the Duke, but 
fearful of the future, hastened away from the city and reached Eng- 
land. It is supposed he arrived early in March, (1G07) for on the 




13th, Gorges wrote to Cballons, acknowledging the letters Hine, (or 
Hines) had brought. 1 6 5 

One ship, to which the merchant Tucker and three others had 
been assigned, by mischance of the seas, put into the harbor of Bor- 
deaux. Here the French authorities liberated them, and Tucker 
libelled and seized the ship for losses by capture. The losses of 
ship's stores and merchandise were estimated at nearly 15,000 francs. 
The ship was owned in St. Malo, and was commanded by Alphonse 
Camache. The case was continued for two years, and finally 
Tucker was non-suited on some legal technicality, of deficient se- 

165. The remainder of this letter, 
a part of which has been given on p. 
144, is appended here, as it relates to 
this voyage. 

Mr. Chalinge. — I receiued your l're 
sent me by the Mr. Nicholas Hines 
by whom I rest satisfied for your pte 
of the proceedinge of the voyadge 
and I doubte not but you wilbe able 
to aunswer the expecta<;on of all your 
freinds. I hoope you shall receive 
verie shortlie if aire adie you haue 
not, an attestation out of the highe 
Courte of Admiraltie to giue satisfac- 
con of the truth of our intents, yt sett 
you out let me advise you to take 
heede that you be not ou^shott in 
acceptinge recom pence for our wrongs 
received * * * [as on p. 114] * * * 
therefore your demands must be Aun- 
swerable hereunto, and accordinglie 
seeke for satisfacvon which c;innot be 
lesse than fiue thousand*- poundes and 
therefore before you conclude for 

losse attende to receive for resolution 
from hence if they Aunswere you not 
thereafter for if tlTeir condieon be 
not such as shalbe reasonable we do 
know how to right ourselves, for 
rather than we will be loosers a 
penny by them we will attende a fit- 
ter time to gett us our Content and 
in the meane time leave all in their 
handes therefore be you careful here- 
in, and remember yt it is not the 
business of Merchants or rovers, but 
as you knowe of men of another 
ranke and such as will not prferre 
manie Complayntes nor exhibite di- 
uers petitions for that they under- 
stande a shorter way to the woode so 
Commendinge you to God and Con- 
tinuinge My selfe 

Your most assured and lovinge 

Fkkdinamk) Gorges. 
IMimouth loth of Marche KiUO. 


curity. He had hastened from Bordeaux to England, and made the 
first report of the disaster, about the first of February (1607). 
Gorges, under date of February 4th, advises Cecil of the fact, and 
asks that the Secretary take means to obtain satisfaction for losses 
by a demand on Spain. He enclosed a statement by Tucker of the 
facts in the case. Gorges writes : 

" Our great expectacon for the discoverie of our newe fownd Countrey hath 
unhappelie bin Crost by our good frinds the Spaniards whoe thinking much that 
wee should inhearit the libertie of Land or Seas, hath seased uppon our shipp 
and men (as by the relation here inclosed yt may more att leardg appeere) 
wch by storme and tempest weere put in to Burdeox in Fraunce in one of the 
spanishe ships, against whome wee must humbly intreate yo r loipps favoure to 
farther our proceedings for recoverie of satisfaction not onelie for our shipp & 
goods, but our henderances and damages, that they may knowe wee are not so 
slavishe that wee will indure theire insolences, nor so base that wee will not seeke 
a juste revenge, yf they right us not according to reason & equetie." 

[Vol. Ill, p. 126.] 

A paper is subjoined, briefly discussing the legal aspects of the 
case. First it suggests that it may be urged against the claim that 
the ship voyaged into Spanish seas at its own peril, and hence, in 
view of probable disputes and complications, it might be better to 
leave the prisoners to their fortune, than to stir up greater incon- 
veniences by inquiry into legal tights. Secondly, it adverts to the 
question of right to trade in any part of the [W.] Indies not pos- 
sessed by Spain, and takes the ground that these prisoners had not 
yet offended, — since navigation should be free, — in only sailing 
towards a place, possibly allowable under the treaty, and therefore 
they should not be rigorously punished, imprisoned and lose their 
goods. Hence the case might be thus presented in their behalf to 
the king of Spain, and justice demanded against the Spanish ship 
committing this robbery as would a pirate. It 



It appears that after this misadventure, Tucker went to Virginia, 
his name appearing in the second charter, May 23, 1609. A letter 
from Jamestown July, 1610, shows that he had been nominated as 
a "clarke of the store." In 1612, he had permit to visit England; 
and in 1616, Feb. loth, received a commission to be governor of the 

Nevill Davis's letter of Feb. 4, 1607, to Chief Justice Popham 
adverts to "the misserye of dyvers poore men heere pryssoners that 
were taken in a small shippe of Plymouth called the Richard." He 
mentions eighteen men and two savages, the captain and one officer 
being released on bonds, and believes they have committed no of- 
fence, rather had their humanity to the Jesuit been the cause of 
their capture ; he promises to aid them so far as he is able. He 
thinks the Spanish intend to prevent the English from going into 
those parts if they can, and advises any making the attempt to be 
very circumspect lest they be intercepted. 

The letter of Gorges advises Challons to be cautious in effecting 
a settlement, as he estimates that by frustration of plans, and con- 
sequent heavy expenditures, likely by the mishap to be of no avail, 
they cannot be less than £5,000. Gorges also with spirit and par- 
donable assumption of loftiness and power on the part of himself 
and associates, endeavors to strengthen Challons' courage to demand 
full satisfaction, by the fact that he will be supported by those 
who "doe knowe how to right our selves," and suggests that he 
remember that the business in hand is not that of merchants and 
rovers, but of men of rank who have a shorter way to their purpose 
than by presenting petitions and complaints. He urges to have the 
savages and the company sent over speedily, and that Challons 
should also come if there be likelihood of long delay. 

Again, in a letter to Secretary Cecil, of April 7, he beseeches con- 


tinued effort "in advanceinge the relief of those pore wretches that 
we sent for the discovery of Virginia." 

Gorges' injunctions had little worth to aid Challons in effecting 
a settlement, for the latter writes June 26, to Sir John Popham, 
that after all solicitations no answer was gained till June 5, and 
that in a haughty and threatening tone from the president of the 
council, who said that rather than the captured men should lack an. 
executioner he himself would serve as hangman. Challons like- 
wise is told that the prisoners are forgotten and disregarded, for no 
one cares to speak a wdrd in their behalf, or they might long ago 
have been freed. Further details show one man dead, another 
stabbed fatally, the Indians taken away and made slaves, the ship 
sunk in the river and not likely to be recovered. 

Again, July 3, he writes charging the English ambassador with 
carelessness, indifference, and even insincerity as well, really with 
double dealing, serving the interests of Spain. He now reports 
three men very sick, several dead, their bodies inhumanly and 
shamefully treated, himself under severe penalties not to speak 
with the Indians, whom they are striving to convert to their re- 
ligion even by processes of starvation. He implores speedy relief, 
or it will be too late. 

Under date of Aug. 7, Gorges writes to Cecil, acknowledging his 
lordship's honorable care to gain the release of the poor men, pris- 
oners in Spain ; for without his favor their case were desperate. 

On Oct. 3, he forwards letters received from Challons, and with 
tender commiseration refers to " those poore afflicted creatures, 
whose miseryes ar made the greater, by how much our nation is 
helde in contempte and disdayne. ,? He adds as one consideration 
which might appeal to the King, for his aid in the matters that 
"theyr imployments had a good intente and was drawen on by his 




highnes gratiouse allowance thereof." He pleads that effective means 
be used for their release, though satisfaction for the loss of ship and 
goods be deferred to future opportunity. He writes in a similar 
strain, on Dec. 1, as he sends reports to Cecil, of the first news from 
the Sagadahoc Colony, but remarks that "all the rest of the adven- 
turers have given them over." On March 20, 1607, [X. S. 1608] 
Gorges forwards information received, that Cecil might see with 
what success he had "soe worthily endevored the libertie of those 
poore distressed soules that have this longe indured afiiixcion con- 
trary to comon reason." He regards the facts as proof of the 
contempt in which Spain holds the English people, and believes the 
king should allow individuals to redress their unsupportable wrongs. 
Finally he advises Cecil, in a letter of May 2, 160S, J;hat Challons 
had made his escape, forfeiting his bail as his case was so desperate, 
and had arrived in England in great want. He had left the rest 
" in greate extreamity." 

They had now been some fifteen months in durance vile, and 
how many lives were miserably worn out by disease, hardship and 
c ruelty, can not be known. Nor do any facts disclose after how 
much longer time in prison the remnant were released, but as of 
the two Indians, — whose names Stone man gives as Mannido and 
Assacoinoit, the latter was recovered by Gorges, perhaps a number 
of these wretched Englishmen were returned with him. 

There was possibly greater eagerness and effort to obtain the re- 
lease of the enslaved natives, than these sailors, for Indians could had in England every day. Capt. John Barlee wrote August, 
1607, to the Secretary of Cecil, enclosing a list of the prisoners in 
Seville, — (not found), and entreated him to use influeuce with Cecil, 
in "recovery of two salvages, Manedo and Sasacomett, for that the 
adventures [adventurers] do hold them of great prize and to be 



used to their great avail for many purposes." Gorges sent Sassa- 
comett (Assacomoit) to America with Capt. Hobson in 1614. 

Nearly half of the company can be accounted for, — as liberated 
or escaping to England, or dying, — the superior in command Chal- 
lons, his subordinates Hine and Stonemau, Tucker the factor, and 
fiv^ others. Humfrie the boatswain, and Cooke, and some others 
had died, and some were very sick in the previous July. In ten or 
more months subsequent, others must have succumbed under ill- 
treatment and privations, and but a fraction ever saw England 
again. Gorges, in his Narration, recalls the trouble and expense laid 
on himself and Popham in seeking the liberation of these prisoners, 
which he says " was not suddenly obtained."' He implies such re- 
covery, but in a general statement may not sharply distinguish be- 
tween restoration by demands on Spanish government, and the 
return of such as at length escaped. 

In Aug. 1608, the king of Spain sent to his ambassador in Lon- 
don, a report of his council, giving reasons for sending to the gal- 
leys " the English who in 1606 were taken in the West Indies." 
This most suitably applies to a few of the crew of Capt. John 
Legat's ship, taken near Cuba. Fourteen out of eighteen were 
hanged, and two were taken to the prison at Seville before Stone- 
man escaped. If these were the men condemned to the galleys, 
some of Challon's crew may have been joined with them, but it 
must be regarded a matter of doubt. By such indignities and 
cruelty, while the pusillanimous James and his officials seemed to 
care not, — Spain was warning the English from her alleged posses- 
sions, and was making an instance like this tell upon her purpose to 
expel them from the whole American coast. For several years it 
was a main aim of Spanish diplomacy, by her ambassadors in Lon- 
don, her seamen and her spies everywhere to ferret out sufficient 



1 66 


facts to warrant the attempt to drive out the Virginian colonists. 
The Spanish ambassador reports, and the council repeats it to the 
king in Nov. 1607, that as five or six ships were expected soon to 
sail from London and Plymouth, it was " important to drive these 
people out from there, at once, hanging them in time, which is short 
""•enough for all that has to be done." A similar tone prevailed in 
dispatches for successive years. But there was dallying with the 
question, and delay from ignorance of the facts, and hesitation to 
take a step assuring war, and also from the hope that the colonies 
would die of themselves. 

'' • ' • f. 

• 1 




• 7 

» I 


a. 5 








OR obvious Teasons, inquiry will be directed to the local- 
ity made historic by the Sagadahoc colony. A general 
determination is assured by ample evidence. "The 
westerly peninsula," as Purchas wrote ; or as Strachey, 
" at the mouth or entry of the ryver on the west side, being almost 
an island, of a good bignes " ; and likewise the original authority, 
the foregoing Lambeth MS. (Vide antea, p. 66) clearly point to the 
peninsula at Sagadahoc, formed by the sea, the river, and Atkins' 
bay, and long known as Hunnewell's neck. Since historical atten- 
tion has been turned to it, the name Sabino has been applied, which 
Strachey regarded as the aboriginal name of the province in which 
it is included. The name Sabino Head now appears on the U. S. 
coast survey charts. The early writers, DeLaet, Heylin, Ogilby, 
likewise assign the colony to the peninsula at the mouth of the 

But Maine's first historian, Hon. James Sullivan, put forth 
novel and diverse opinions. ( Vide antea, pp. 104-7). He first 
assigns the colony to Parker's island, which is east of the river. 
Next, he as confidently makes Stage island, south of the former, 
the place of landing and chief residence. He indeed mentions 
Ogilby *s statement, that they began on a peninsula on the west 
of the river, but gives no heed to it as an authority, though it may 
have led bin to remark as if he had knowledge of their purpose, 



that they intended to begin on the west side. He makes tradition 
his authority for the Stage island landing, and probably it had in like 
manner certified to him that of Parker's island previously. The 
same facts without doubt obtained in his day as in recent years ; 
persons having a mere smattering of local history, have taken 
traces of ancient occupation as evidence of the site of Popham's 
settlements, that being the one fact best known in the antiquities 
of that region. We may confidently assume that traces of former 
occupation and existing remains of old structures were the real 
basis of Sullivan's opinion in this matter. 

With equal confidence we may assume that Gov. Williamson 
deferred to Sullivan's views and to those prevailing among the 
people of the vicinity in accepting the Stage island landing. But 
by a wider range of historical reading than may have been possi- 
ble for his predecessor, he was forced to transfer the colony for its 
permanent location to the peninsula west of the river. Those 
traces of ancient occupation on Stage and Parker's islands can now 
be quite well explained, yet had they helped dim traditions to 
locate the colony. Such conclusions of early writers, history can 
now wholly reject. 

The evidence which points to the peninsula of Sabino is beyond 
question. But research must be carried still further, and must, if 
possible, find the very spot where fort walls were raised, houses 
built, and culverins planted for defence. 

The peninsula may be described as a huge misshapen triangle, 
having the sea at its base on the south, the river and river's mouth 
on the east, while making in upon the north from the Kennebec, 
having cut away the acute angle, is Atkins' bay, extending south- 
west a mile and a half. Between the head of the bay and the sea 
is spread out the sandy, marshy neck which unites with the main 



land. Here evidently in the long ago ages, the ocean had free en- 
trance, but at length cast up a barrier of sand against itself. 

Situate at the left of the entrance to the Kennebec, this tract 
rises into a bold promontory, some 100 to 150 feet in elevation. 
Gneiss and granitic ledges, wooded heights, rough, craggy, precipi- 
tous towards the sea, extend northward along the center, but slope 
towards the east and west, affording portions of arable soil. It is 
fringed on the east and south bv a noted beach and sand dunes: 
and within these on the southeast, imprisoned near the cliffs, is a 
small fresh water pond. This peninsula forms the southeasterly 
extreme of the town of Phipsburg. It is earliest known in the 
possession of the family of the elder John Parker, doubtless by 
him obtained from the Indians. It was next held by the Boston 
merchants Clarke and Luke, who sold it in 1671 to Ambrose Hun- 
newell, from whose occupation it gained its best known name, Hun- 
newell's neck, remaining in his family some sixty years. It was 
formerly estimated to comprise 250 acres. 

Upon this peninsula search for the desired site will be guided 
in measure by the purpose of the colony. As it came to seize and 
hold the soil for the British crown and also to engage in commerce 
in the products of the country, its fort would be placed by naviga- 
ble waters for the convenience of shipping, and in fair proximity 
to the channel of the river. Those rocky heights did not attract 
the colonists to an impregnable nesting-place; rather did they re- 
quire a home by the affluent tides. This presumption greatly re- 
stricts the field of inquiry. Only about the northern part of the 
peninsula do these conditions obtain. Ships could lie safely at 
anchor only in the river channel or in the entrance to the bay, 
since further down the bay the tide's ebb lays bare the flats. A 
site formerly examined (Ancient Dominions, p. 227), well down on 



the eastern side of the bay, and assigned to the ancient fort, and 
elsewhere approved, (Popham Memorial Vol., pp. V. and 351) , 
would not now be regarded as entitled to any favor. At this point 
stood Hunnewell's house, and here also later was that of the next 
owner, Job Lewis, Esq., of Boston. Mr. John Marr built his house 
at this place some forty years ago, and dug out tools and various 

At the Popham celebration of 18G2, (Memorial Vol., pp. 47, 87) 
twice did remarks allude to the ancient fort, as if it had been sit- 
uated where the present fort was then in construction. Nor does 
it appear that at that time very definite opinions had been reached 
by persons versed in history, as indeed very little general attention 
had been bestowed upon the matter. 

In 1807, Rev. Dr. William Jenks, of Bath, with a few friends, 
made a visit, and reaching conclusions on the probable site gave the 
name Point Popham to the locality determined. But the name 
gained no anchorage, and no record nor memoranda were preserved 
to show the basis of opinions, nor the spot on which they bestowed 
a name. (Popham Mem. Vol., p. 226 ; Me. Hist. Coll., Vol. 3, p. 285.) 

Our historian, Williamson, gives his conclusions clearly and con- 
fidently, designating a locality then known as Hill's point as the 
site of the Popham settlement. He shows that this point lay to 
the west of the U. S. fort. He also believed that remains of the 
ancient fort could then be seen. It is quite certain that he received 
his information, if he did not also visit the place, from Hon. Mark 
L. Hill, who was for a time the owner of the peninsula. The latter 
at an earlier date, 1819, had expressed his opinions (Vide Bath 
Times, June 3, 1878) : "They landed first on Stage island, and 
then on Hill's point, a farm I now own in Phipsburg on the western 
extremity of the entrance of Kennebec river, near the present fort 



erected by the United States." Mr. Hill's views were quite possi- 
bly derived chiefly from Sullivan's history, to which he refers, as 
also from local traditions and existing remains. Sullivan had writ- 
ten of the remains of a fort, walls, and houses. He does not show 
precisely at what place, but leaves for us a plain inference that they 
were on the peninsula opposite Stage island. 

We may not doubt that Hill's point, mentioned by the owner and 
by Williamson, and Point Popham named by Dr. Jenks' party, and 
the site of the old structures known to Sullivan, all refer to one and 
the same place. Williamson defines it as situated a short distance 
west of the U. S. fort. Reference to the map comprised in this 
work will exhibit the localities. 

From the northern angle of the Sabino peninsula, there is thrust 
out still northward along the Kennebec channel a narrow spit of 
ledge and coarse sand. At its extreme stands the U. S. fortifica- 
tion, on the site of the earlier work of defence, constructed 1809- 
1812. Westward from this spur of ledge, two other points of land 
push out their graceful curves upon the bay. The western is nar- 
row and much the smaller, — Horse-catch point, — an ancient name 
of evident meaning. The eastern, distant from the present fort 
400 yards, across a cove, is in form nearly a semicircle, lying at 
the base of the ledges which form an irregular wall in the back- 
ground, and rise in steep grades towards the height on the south 
now named Sabino Head. A line drawn from side to side across 
the point at the base of the ledge, cutting off this large segment of a 
circle, measures 625 feet ; while one at right angles to this, bearing 
almost precisely towards the magnetic north, shows the longest 
distance in that direction to the bay to be 275 feet. This irregular 
segment, which without precision may be termed a plateau, slopes 
gently towards the north, and has by generous estimate an area of 



two acres. To this point lead all the dim and broken lines of evi- 
dence thus far discovered and followed. Here beyond question 
were the remains of ancient structures. This must have been Hill's 
point, and this also failed to retain the offered name, Point Popham, 
which should now be again given it. It presents an unbroken sur- 
face, which cultivation has cleared and enriched, and prepared for 
the dwellings and gardens which are now upon it. Here relics, — 
a copper kettle and various articles, were formerly exhumed. Traces 
of a covered way or a deep ditch to the tide were once very plain. 
A spring in the bank, just above the tide flow, furnishes fine water. 
Not an acre on the whole peninsula can compare with this plat in 
claims for ancient occupancy. 

Persons of the past generation, and a few now living, had clear 
knowledge of the remains of an earth- work or embankment, in the 
best report of memory estimated at sixty to seventy-five feet square, 
and portions of it five feet high. Cultivation leveled it nearly fifty 
years ago. By reference to the engraving, its precise location will 
be indicated by the stable attached to the house (Mr. Nath'l Per- 
kins') in the center of the picture. 

This ruined earthwork was believed by many to be the remains 
of Popham's fort; so Williamson or his informants regarded it. 
Its history, however, traced back a century and a half, is very dim, 
and evidence for its origin very unsatisfactorv. Fortv years before 
Sullivan wrote of it, the survey in 1750, by the company of the 
Kennebec Purchase, — or Plymouth company, as ordinarily termed, 
— had noted an old fort at this place. Anterior to this date, to 
maps, documents, statements, giving direct evidence in respect to 
it, we cannot go. In the controversy soon after, of that company 
with other landholders, there was a proposition to make inquiry of 
aged Indians regarding the old earthwork at the mouth of the Ken- 


nebec. £To report, however, of any such investigation appears, but 
the proposition seems proof that then little or nothing was known 
respecting it. It was an " old fort," or rained work in 1750, and 
accepting the apparent fact of the lack of knowledge of it on the 
part of the older residents along the river, it will be manifest that 
it could not have been built for defence in the previous Indian wars 
of that century. Indeed, we are quite well assured where all such 
structures then stood. In the wars of the previous century, — 
1675-6 and 16SS-9, — all evidence and probabilities make against a 
fort at this place, since one garrisoned in 16SS, on Stage island, was 
sufficient for the district at the mouth of the river. But it must 
not be too confidently asserted there was none, for one may have 
been begun and abandoned. Still every probability carries back 
this structure regarded as a fort, to the first half of that "first cen- 
tury of settlement. 

Indeed, its origin in this period has been accounted for. Several 
historical writers have averred that the new Plymouth colonists in 
their enterprise on the Kennebec, 1628-16G0, had a fort or trading 
post at the mouth of the river. In an examination of the matter, 
details must be omitted, but these points will appear : 1. Uncer- 
tainty and diverse opinions regarding the situation of the Plymouth 
fort. 2. An impression, if no more, or a quite definite opinion 
prevailed, as our historians show, that three such stations for trade 
were occupied. 3. The insufficient historical basis of opinion is 
clearly indicated by Williamson's expression, " It is understood, that 
the stations selected for local traffic were at Popham's fort, at Rich- 
mond's landing, and at Cushnoc." His sense of the lack of proof 
did not hinder others from accepting the statement as fact. 4. The 
alleged trading-post at Richmond is known to have been occupied 
by other parties. Similar error may have been made in respect to 



an alleged trading-house at the mouth of the river. 5. One trading- 
house is fully proved, — established beyond question at Cushnoc, — 
a short distance below the present Augusta dam. 6. There is no 
historical evidence, explicit and decisive, for more than this one 
station. 7. Early Pilgrim writers themselves mention but one 
such post, — never writing the plural, " houses." They clearly imply 
the location at Cushnoc. 8. The recent valuable and exhaustive 
study of their history (The Pilgrim Republic, by Mr. John A. 
Goodwin ; 18S8) neither by a word direct nor the least implica- 
tion, permits the thought that there could have been more than a 
single post, — that at Cushnoc. It seemed hardly possible but that 
some incidental expression or reference would have been employed 
by Bradford, Winthrop and others, hinting at several stations if 
such had been the fact. The writer's search to that end has been 
vain. (For the principal historical references, Vide Prince's An- 
nals, p. 1G9; Sullivan, District of Me., pp. 170, 174, 294; William- 
son's Hist. Me., Vol. I, pp. 52-3, 233, 23G-7, 252-3, 370, Vol. II, 
p. 90 ; Coll. Me. Hist. Soc, Vol. 2. pp. 200, 275 ; Hanson, Hist. Pitts- 
ton, p. 31 ; North, Hist. Augusta, pp. 3, 4, 7, 78 ; Bradford, Hist. 
Plymouth, p. 317 ; Baylie's Hist. New Plymouth, Vol. I. pp. 151-8, 

The ruined fort and buildings observed a century ago cannot, 
therefore, on good historical basis, be assigned to the Plymouth 
colony. Such an opinion did indeed gain foothold, and entered his- 
tory, but evidence now adduced discredits it, though not able to 
speak positively in the negative. Nor has history as yet any ade- 
quate explanation of those ruins, but may offer reasonable theories, 
equal at the least to that which regards them as the work of the 
men of Plymouth. An old tradition has held that the immigrant 
John Parker came to the Sagadahoc as early as 1G29, and engaged 



in fishery, though later turning to husbandry. We know that this, 
or another John Parker, was thus engaged in this vicinity, being a 
master fisherman at Damariseove, in 1645. (Coll. Me. Hist. Soc., 
Vol. 1, p. 383.) We first find the Sabino peninsula in the possession 
of John Parker, probably so held previous to his purchase of Salter s 
island, and his (Parker's) island, in 1648 and 1650. These struct- 
ures on point Popham are in entire agreement with the operations 
of some early fishing company in which Parker may have had an 

Again, Clarke and Luke were the next owners, and it is an allow- 
able supposition that they first began their business by a location 
here at the mouth of the river previous to their larger enterprises 
undertaken at Arrowsic and Tecounet. A rude stockade, and 
adjacent log houses for workmen, will agree with the requirements 
of their business, or of an earlier fishing company. 

The report by Maverick ( Vide antea, p. 129) of a visit in 1624, 
is conclusive that the old buildings known a century ago could not 
have been relics of the Popham occupation. The " old walls " do 
not comport well with the presumed original of the old fort, whose 
remains have recently disappeared. It seems if such a structure, 
— even embankments forming an enclosure of some sixty feet 
square, — was then existing he would have described it in other 
terms. His form of statement compels the inference that nothing 
indicating a fortified building or dwellings remained, and the pre- 
sumption arises that some malign agency, as if mocking at the pur- 
pose of the builders, had swept away all their works. 

It is then assured that the ruined structures observed in 1750 
and subsequently can give no direct evidence for the site of Pop- 
ham's fort. But indirectly they do have a value, because of the 
probability that the site first taken and subjected by civilizing 



agencies would be re-occupied by a subsequent party. Local tradi- 
tions likewise have not been lacking, and these, in part, have sup- 
ported the location now examined, but their value is slight, because 
they have never been sifted to determine what is real tradition, 
and what may be a new opinion constructed in recent times. 

The visit of the French, however, in 1611, as narrated by Father 
Biard (Vide antea, p. 127), does contribute slightly to the problem. 
The Frenchmen criticised the location of Popham's fort, because 
they judged an enemy might seize an adjacent site and build a fort 
which would cut them off from the sea and the river. Hence the 
fort could not have been directly upon the river. But suppose it 
was within, on the shore of Atkins' bay, then whatever force could 
stealthily seize, as by night, upon the point where the U. S. fortifi- 
cation stands, there plant guns and hold the ground, would well 
command all water communication of the English with the river or 
the sea. Whether such a piece of strategy were practicable or nob 
the Frenchmen did see conditions in which it might be attempted. 
The relation of these two points precisely fits the criticism, and sup- 
ports the location alleged. 

This plat of ground on Atkins' bay, entitled to the name Point 
Popham, may therefore claim so much evidence in its favor ; the 
most available portion of the peninsula; best situated in respect to 
water supply, to soil for cultivation, to anchorage for shipping ; it 
has also the main drift of tradition and of historical opinion, so far as 
these can be followed. 

Thus far no conclusive, but only probable results, are attained, 
and the problem is in a measure still indeterminate. At this point, 
the discovery of an ancient plan (Vide antea, p. 150), purporting to 
be "The Draught of St. Georges Fort,'' furnishes further gratifying 
proof. It is a veritable surprise, almost beyond allowable expecta- 



tion, and is a rich morsel of documentary history. If hesitation 
should arise in any quarter to accept its testimony to the extent and 
nature of the works exhibited, there can be none with respect to its 
evidence for the geographical locality of the colony. It has lain 
unnoticed and its value unsuspected, among the Spanish state papers 
deposited at Simancas. It is gratifying to obtain for the illustra- 
tion of this work a faithful copy, exactly reproducing, in size and 
details, the original. 

First of all, this plan makes conspicuous the fact that Fort St. 
George was so situated as to have navigable waters on the north and 
east, and land on the south and west. Point Popham will precisely 
meet these requirements. (Vide Map.) The entrenched enclosure, 
according to the scale of measurement, would comprise more than 
one-third of it. It would also closely agree with the shore out- 
line on the east and north. The north-east bastion, the salient angle 
in the northern front, and the inward curve of the fort wall between 
the two, correspond very nearly with the present topography. The 
remainder of the plateau on the west would offer an acre of good 
soil for their incipient husbandry, as the garden and tillage grounds 
of the plan require. 

Again, the plan shows a narrow extension of the fortified enclos- 
ure at the south-east, above one hundred feet in length and forty to 
sixty in width. The draughtsman also intended to show that this 
arm lay upon elevated ground which extends into the south-east 
corner of the fort. Here the plan is accurately verified by the 
topography. One of the buttressing spurs of Sabino Head pushes 
out northward, and in a moderate declivity drops down to enter and 
to luse itself in the plateau within the south-east corner. It is now 
a bare ledge some three hundred feet long, fifty to eighty feet in 
width, a huge convex ridge, of level areas, slopes and broken lines. 

It is 



It is clearly outlined in the left of the engraving of Point Popham. 
The word " clyffe " upon the larger part of the fort outline evi- 
dently points at a natural wall of rock. We do find a rugged 
face of gneiss bounding Point Popham on the water front. It is a 
very marked feature of the high arm of the fort, rising from the 
tide level, in broken slopes seventy feet at the southern extreme, 
but diminishing with the declivity towards the north. On the 
western side of the arm, it is a solid wall in part perpendicular, in 
part sloping, ten to twenty-five feet high. This cliff of Sabino, an 
immense sea wall in prehistoric ages before the marshy sands and 
sand-dunes had been piled in between its foot and the river channel, 
is broken where the ridge drops down to the plateau, and the salient 
angle furnishes egress. A roadway built up from nature's favoring 
foundations leads down with the cliff on the right, and then turns 
to the east, and extends along the present limit of ordinary tides 
to the hotels and stores at Popham Beach. The sea-wall at the 
angle where the road issues is a dozen feet in height above the 
tide, but diminishes in advance towards the north and along the 
re-entrant curve of the cove upon that side, until but a narrow line 
of ledge is washed by the tide. Though the word " clyffe " is 
rather an exaggeration in the fort outline at the northerly curve on 
the bay, it is precisely verified in all the remainder of the shore 
and the high arm of the fort, and is the strongest proof of the exact 
location. These rugged walls are natural features, unchanging 
through many centuries. As the engineer of the colony adapted 
his defensive works to them, they remain mute but faithful wit- 

.' Upon the north side is shown an extension or secondary point 
projected into the bay, and near this a ship at anchor. We now 
find a broken ridge of ledge covered at high water, extending from 




Point Popham 1G0 feet. An equal distance further reaches the 
channel, and an area of soundings of nine to sixteen feet at low 
water. Here alone could vessels of much draught approach the 
plateau, or ride at anchor. The appreciable increase of the flats 
within the knowledge of older residents indicates that three centu- 
ries ago this reef of ledge was far more prominent, and that vessels, 
at least at high water, could have been laid near it. These existing 
features interpret the drawing, and suggest a project of Popham's 
men to utilize this ledge as foundation for a wharf. 

The fort on the west and south was protected by trenches. 
These likewise are fully provided for in the central part of the 
pleateau through which, in favorable soil, the lines of fortification 
would be run. * 

The plan also shows a stream of water flowing northward to the 
bay. The fact now verifies the plan. A rill comes down from the 
height, draining quite a tract, and flows close along the western 
face of the elevation. Not many years since it ran directly to the 
cove as shown in the plan, but for convenience of cultivation, the 
lower part was diverted into the ditch of the road, leaving in its bed 
an underground drain, while the stream is poured over the sea-wall 
on the east. 

There is a depression or saddle in the high arm, which would 
offer a natural limit to the fortified work. The distance from this 
place to the point on the bay where the north-east bastion is repre- 
sented, closely corresponds with the length of the fortification on 
the eastern-side, according to the scale of the plan. This agree- 
ment in measurement is decisive evidence for the southerly limit of 
the work and a verification of the entire location. Fixing the 
limits on the eastern side by these natural features of shore and 



cliff, measurement will determine the remaining lines of the fortifi- 
cation, and it becomes an easy task to reproduce Fort St. George. 

The site and the extent are now put beyond doubt. Evidence 
from two sources compels belief, and gives assured results. The 
sea-wall, the high cliff, the definite contours cut in the rock, and 
unchanged for ages, the brook, the cove, the adjacent area, are pres- 
ent conspicuous facts in the topography : then the plan, drawn on 
the spot at the time of construction, curiously secreted and pre- 
served, and now disclosed, gives accurate and unimpeachable testi- 
mony. The plan, moreover, laid down upon the topography fits it 
as a glove the hand to which it belongs, when spread out upon it. 
The verification is complete under the thorough illumination of 
this ancient document. 

Two minor points may be noticed. The fort was not an exact 
rectangle, as the course of the southern wall shows. Indeed, this 
wall being a continuation nearly of the cross wall over the height, 
if laid out at a right angle to the eastern side, would have carried 
the south-west bastion nearly to or upon the foot ledges of the ac- 
clivity. The divergence from a right angle avoids them, and 
strengthens that fortified line. Likewise, on the northern side the 
rectangular form would not have carried the lines of the salient 
angle west of the water-gate, near to the " clyffe," as the plan 
demands. Indeed, the shore at the wharf lies further to the north 
than that at the north-east corner. Here the rectangle must be re- 
shaped into a parallelogram to bring the north-west bastion near 
enough to the shore. In the fort outline in the accompanying map, 
a slightly larger divergence is made than in the original. Presum- 
ably the engineer's working type was a square fort. Natural features, 
however, forced a change, and it seems as if the divergence was even 



greater than the plan exhibited. There would be less questions or 
cavil by military critics in England. 

We may notice that the "draught" does not carry the declivity 
of the ledge so far into the main fort as the actual fact. Hence 
there appears a larger open area in the north-easterly section than 
existed in fact, and some of the buildings must have been set close 
about or upon the lower part of the ledge. 

The fortification was in two parts ; the main fort being a modi- 
fied square, of 240 feet from angle to opposite angle ; and the small 
extension carried out along the high ridge, 120 feet. The dividing 
wall across the spur has an open portal, in which was planted a saker 
to defend the upper and rake the lower work. Xatural features 
determine the entrances ; the land gate on the west led Jbo their 
farm and garden ; the water-gate opened upon the cove, and to it 
boats could come at high water, and possibly quite near at all stages 
of the tide, if there has been since much deposit in the cove. The 
postern-gate was situated at the south-east corner between the cliff 
and the tide, where now the only road goes up to the plateau. 
Measurement would locate it near the barn on the right. Probably 
portions of the foundations of this traveled way were laid by George 
Popham's men. The plan shows the positions of the guns ; the 
demi-culverin on the extreme height could send warning shot to the 
river channel on the east, some 500 yards away. Two guns, falcons, 
are shown in the north-east bastion ; two minions in the north-west, 
and one in the south-west, nine in all exhibited in the plan. The 
positions of the other three to make the twelve of the historian's 
report may not have been determined at the date of the plan. 

The fort in fact may have boen quite unlike the fort on paper, 
in elaborate design and construction. The plan can be regarded as 
a witness to little more than the form, and to the place of the walls, 



trenches and angles. The design is apparent to show the less ele- 
vation of the wall along the "clyffe" or sea-front, where the natural 
defences are strong, than against the land approaches. Nor will 
the plan tell us of the materials of which the walls were constructed. 
Those carefully drawn lines might suggest masonry, blocks of 
granite firmly laid, or even bricks for the inner face ; but the sup- 
position is at once rejected. No theory seems tenable, but that it 
was an earth-work, embankments faced and supported by wood. 
The spade and the axe are the only implements hinted at by the 
historian, though others are not ruled out. The journalist writes 
of the hard labor in the trenches, and the getting of "fagetts." 
The word does not hint at fuel, but it is an equivalent for " fascines/' 
whose use in military engineering is well known. Bundles of rods 
or small poles, secured by withes, were the chief materials. No 
other supposition is allowable. These, filled in and built up with 
earth, and strengthened by an embankment, made the protecting 
walls of the fortification. Their aggregate length was above 450 
yards. They were probably slender and weak at first, then carried 
higher and made firmer as time allowed, but we may conclude were 
never of much size. Maverick, less than twenty years later, found 
garden herbs, and " some old walles," as the only witnesses to the 
colony worth mention. The time employed in construction is not 
shown. On the 2d of October, still were they " all busy about the 
fort," but whether upon the fortification or upon the buildings is 
not hinted. We must presume that the several parts of the common 
work were pushed forward together, the defences, the houses, the 
ship. Strachey's summary says that after the departure of the 
ship they fully finished the fort, built houses and a church ; this 
however has no value to indicate dates, but does lead to infer that 
all construction was finished before winter. 




The structures within the entrenchments will attract the curious 
and may evoke variety of opinion. Were they built, or only pro- 
spectively laid down on the plan ? Strachey gives explicit testi- 
mony, which in the main must be accepted, in favor of the con- 
struction of as much as is here seen. A colony of a hundred men 
was" set down in the wilderness. There were requisites for colony 
life, and such would be provided. A defensible enclosure of some 
kind, larger or smaller, must be had when they left the ships. A 
store-house, powder-house, bakery, public kitchen, smith's and coop- 
er's shops were early required. Rude lodgings for laborers must be 
provided, before cold weather came or at once. It may seem that 
separate houses would not be needed for these subordinate officials, 
but military etiquette and customs of camp life would make de- 
mands and prevail. All of these buildings would be required some 
time ; would they not be put up as fast as their force of laborers 
would permit ? The question will be of ability to perform all this 
in a hundred days or less. How constructed, will make part of the 
answer. If small and rude, of logs chiefly, merely comfortable 
shelters for pioneers, no long time would be needed. Probabilities 
favor the historian's accuracy. The fort walls would have been 
built, though those on the cliff may have waited or have been 
slight; the chapel could have been postponed, and the quarters of 
some of the officers. 

The whole number shown is eighteen. If we deduct chapel, 
storehouse, and another of the less important, we shall have fifteen, 
a number the most reasonable interpretation of Strachey's Ci fifty," 
for a letter or two would ensure the error. That number can now 
with assurance be effectually set aside which so long has been re- 
peated almost unchallenged ; yet how absurd, a village of fifty 
houses for six score men ! The number exhibited is not unreasonable, 



indicates requisites, and has authority. We must hold that the fort 
and appurtenances in the main, as represented, were begun and 
made available for use before winter, though rudely and partially 
built. The variety of shape in the buildings would far more easily 
arise in copying the real, than in constructing from fancy. This 
"Draught" therefore is a transcript of intentions, and in the main 
of completions, but may be held as an exaggeration of the strength 
and nicety of the actual work. As flattering an exhibition as pos- 
sible of their operations would be transmitted to England, for such 
was the tenor of Popham's reports. We note the storehouse near 
the water-gate, through which the lading of the ships must go in 
and out. It was begun on the last day of August, and as one ship 
began to discharge provisions. September 6th, shelter must have 
been prepared, which indicates how construction was pushed for- 
ward. The President's house was situated alone on the cliff, a place 
of watchful authority, as of eminent honor, and of amplest security, 
since culverin to the right of him and sakers to the left of him 
could have volleyed and thundered, — a spot most enjoyable for a 
summer cottage, but dismal and frozen amid the wrathful winds of 
winter. A house for him was built somewhere, it is assigned here ; 
then here he lived and exercised his authority ; and unless the 
rigors of excessive winter drove him down to warmer quarters, here 
he died. The chapel just below in the area can be nearly located, 
and according to English custom it had its churchyard about it, 
where the dead would have burial, for some there must die : then 
by .this plan we can approximate the limits where the dust of 
George Popham has its resting-place. 

South of the fort is a structure whose location might verify it, 
evidently a windmill. It stands upon a higher stage of the cliff, 
and would swing its arms more than a hundred feet above sea level. 



Did they bring grain, and also equipment for a mill to grind it as 
need required ? or would they raise it soon themselves, or barter 
for corn with the natives, and so must grind it ? It is perhaps an 
embellishment of the drawing, only a prospective adjunct to be 
some time realized, yet not a plaything, but a device to help to pre- 
pare their food. Subsequent pioneer settlers a few miles up river 
had windmills for grain and lumber ; why not Popham's men ? 

Attention may be called to the descriptive references of the plan, 
of which 2STo. 17 seems to read " The Lake." Another copy, by 
change of the obscure letter, has "Labe." The true word un- 
doubtedly was "Lade," a term in common use in that period, (also 
lode, leat,) applied to a reach of water, the mouth of a river, or to a 
ditch, a water-way, natural or artificial. This stream from the 
height would also ensure drainage from the trench, and the adjacent 
moist land on the south of the fort. 

A short distance bevond the western limits of the fort, as now 
determined, a depression at the shore line exists. This formerly 
was deep and conspicuous and extended back many yards into the 
area. Opinions of older men, and traditions of an uncertain date, 
regarded it as the remains of a covered way of a fort, which ensured 
communication with the water. (Popham Mem. Vol. p. 354.) It 
is now made clear that if built for such a purpose, it could not have 
been an adjunct of Popham's fort. The position and the lines of 
the bastion and trenches seem fully to forbid. Xor did their work 
need a covered way at that point, since the Watergate gave far more 
convenient egress. If it was such a way, it may be best referred to 
that unexplained "old fort," which must have succeeded Fort St. 
George. Its situation and apparent course would lead directly to 
that unknown earthwork. 

At many points the " Draught " gives testimony, and aids fancy 



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to reconstruct the home of the colony, and to delineate more dis" 
cerningly the colony life. A work of such proportions enhances 
our view of the breadth and energy of purpose which dominated 
the enterprise. So much as is here shown, allowing a degree of ex- 
aggeration in details, does still speak of permanency ; they built for 
the future, whose success and ample revenues they and their patrons 
hoped to secure. 

The tourist or historical student can now set foot on Sabino 
with heightened zest that his steps need no longer to be aimless, 
for the light of recent knowledge has dispelled shadows, furnished 
verifications, and provided for the colony a local habitation. Vague 
theory or uncertain tradition are guides no longer, but evidences 
winning confidence. 

The ancient seizure of Sagadahoc has historical significance, but 
no worth to be blazoned as a notable event of American history nor 
of chief distinction in the annals of Maine. It was one of the steps 
well aimed and vigorous in the inception, but in the end halting 
and frustrated, of England's occupation and supremacy in America. 

If monuments are desirable to mark first steps or stages of ad- 
vance in building this great nation, then does Sagadahoc reasonably 
invite attention. A stone of memorial has lain disregarded among 
materials of fort construction for almost thirty years. One main 
purpose, now withered and almost forgotten, of the celebration 
on the Sabino peninsular in 1SG2, may be reanimated and nour- 
ished into vigorous life. Let that stone, regained from the custody 
of the government, re-shaped or further inscribed, be set up on the 
spot where the colony was planted. Or some other monument or 
device with desirable accessories, some tablet, or an inscription 
carved in the solid cliff, — let it become an enduring witness, not 



I r- 



simply to President George Popham, the man, nor to his associates 
and assistants, for they all were but agents, but to the purposes of 
Englishmen, who employed them, and to English aims and enter- 
prise to extend English institutions and governments, as well as to 
reap commercial advantage in this western land. 

1 88 



J$f> suggest a spot where their vessel was built will be en- 

hEm Eras tirely gratuitous. The conditions of the shore, conven- 
" i 3 i- ence f° r launching, proximity of timber, would be de- 
termining circumstances. Other things equal, a place 

near the fortification would be expected. 

A vessel constructed out of the timber of the country, and by 
the labor of the colonists, was a mark of wise policy in the company, 
and would facilitate its business. To this end, the required iron to 
be wrought in the smith's shop, the cordage and sails were brought 
out, and ship carpenters included in their force of workmen. A 
master in the art, one Digby, of London, directed the work, begun 
August 21st, the day after they broke ground for the fortification. 
The journal contains no reference to the progress of construction, 
and the historian simply states that a pinnace was built, leaving 
the date wholly indefinite. 

A tradition, long existing in Phipsburg, avers that a vessel 
belonging to the colony wintered in Porterfield's cove, across the 
bay on the nothwest — moored, and by spars fended off from the 
shore, and frozen in the ice. Such a story, circumstantial and held 
as very ancient, has peculiar worth. Sailois serving in any of the 
ships afterwards coming to the river, or John Parker and other 



early fishermen, could gain and transmit the fact. Still a vessel so 
wintered one or two score years subsequently might be assigned to 
this earlier colony. If we accept, however, the waif of local tradi- 
tion, it gives points in the history of the Virginia, for such it seems 
to have been. The opening of winter then saw the craft so far ad- 
vanced as to permit launching, if not nearer completion. However 


used previously, it is said to have " served them to good purpose as 
easing them in returning." In the following year, it was in the 
fleet that sailed to the Southern Colony, as a letter from James- 
town, August 31, 1G00, shows : — "In the boat of Sir George Somers, 
called the Virginia, which was built in the North Colony, went 
one Captain Da vies and one Master Davies." 

The historian's statement of the tonnage, "about some thirty 
tonne," reveals all we can know of her size. She was termed a 
pinnace or shallop, evidently suited by light draught for coast traffic 
in entering shallow harbor and rivers. The pinnace of Sir Hum- 
phrey Gilbert was only ten tons, as was also that in the Jamestown 
fleet of 1G06. Capt. John Davis, in a voyage in 158G, had a pinnace 
of ten tons, and again two years later one of twenty. Sir George 
Somers, to escape from Bermuda, built one of thirty tons. 

Some data respecting the size of ships in that period may have 
value in this connection. 

1519. The largest of Magellan's was 120 tons ; the average of 
five, 9G tons. 1525. The exploring vessel of Gomez, GO tons. 
1583. Humphrey Gilbert's largest was 120; two others were 40 
eac!\ 1586. Capt. John Davis piloted to the East Indies three 
vessels, of 120, GO, 35, and a pinnace of 10 tons ; in a voyage in 1588, 
a ship of GO, and pinnace of 20 ; in 1508, two, the Lion, and the 
Lioness, of 400, and 250 tons. 15S8. R. Hawkins' Swallow was 
3G0 tons. 1504. Two vessels of the Earl of Cumberland were each 




250. 1592. Foreign ships were captured; the Spanish carrack 
Madre de Dios, 1,600 tons ; a Biscayan, of 600, and in 1593, another 
of 500. 1595. A Spanish ship sunk by Sir F. Drake was rated 
700 tons. 

In 1601, two ships from St. Malo for the Indies were 400 and 
200 tons. The Earl of Cumberland's Ked Dragon was 600. 1602. 
Cecil writes of a Spanish fleet at Lisbon, in which were two of 1,000 
tons and twelve of 200 and under. 1603. The two vessels in 
Pring's voyage were 50 and 26, and in 1606, that of Challons, 55. 
Newport's Jamestown fleet, in the same year, comprised one of 100, 
one of 40, a shallop of 10. 1609. Gates' vessel, the Sea Venture, 
was 300 tons. 1612-13. In Baffin's voyages, of nine vessels the 
largest was 260, five others were from 140 to 200. But in 1617 he 
sailed in the Anne Royal, 1,057 tons. 1613. Argall's Treasurer 
was 130. Sausaye's ship from Honfleur, at Mt. Desert, was 100. 
1616. Brawnde's ship, the Nacheen of 200 tons, and the David of 
140, were on the coast of Maine. 1600-161S. In a list of the East 
Indian Co.'s ships, three were respectively, 1,083, 1,000, 978 ; two 
smallest, 90 and 115, while the average of twelve show 564 tons. 
1619. Of ships sent out to Virginia, three largest were 350, 300, 
240; one of 25 was the smallest and the average was 170 tons. 
1615-20. Capt. John Smith reports various vessels on our coast of 
60 to 300 tons ; an average of ten gives 176 each. 1620. The Pil- 
grim ships were 160 and 55 tons. In the same year is mentioned 
the Vanguard of 660. 1622. Gorges' ship, the Katherine, was 180 

It is seen that vessels in the East India trade were the larger : 
those for exploration and the fisheries the smaller, some very small, 
but others reaching 200 and 300 tons. Dutch sea-going vessels 
were called "hulks," (really, hourques). These were likewise 




termed fly-boats, and were built on the model of the Holland canal 
boat, broad, flat-bottomed, stem and stern alike. When of consid- 
erable tonnage, they had three masts, and carried one lateen and 
six square sails. " Hourques " ranged from 50 tons up to 200 and 
300. The Gift of God was of this pattern, a fly-boat. Judging by 
the tonnage in the lists above adduced, and by the requirements of 
cargo and equipment to be carried out for the colony, we may 
safely conclude that their two ships were at the least 100 tons each. 
Gorges' particular mention of a ship of 200 tons to be sent out in 
May, seems to indicate a larger craft than previously employed ; 
if so, the maximum limit for their fly-boat might be 150 tons. 





g^fTf OMMUXICATION between England and the colony has 

&W3 . J 


been very meagerly disclosed, but now approximate re- 
sults can be attained. A former common opinion di- 
rectly derived from Strachey has represented that the 
ship which returned to England in the winter came back in the 
spring, and in this and the Virginia the colony soon" retired. But 
there were even then other data showing that Strachey's epitomiz- 
ing did not represent the facts. " The Relation of the Council," 
though an abridged and general view, had mentioned " ships arriv- 
ing;" Smith likewise hud written definitely, "two ships arrived 
and some small time after, another." Gorges also wrote "ships 
arriving," and also quite clearly separates the announcements of 
the deaths of Chief Justice Popham and Sir John Gilbert. The 
" Relation " likewise indicates similar separate reports. These older 
authorities therefore warranted the opinion that more than one 
ship, and probably three at the least, as Smith wrote, were de- 
spatched to the colony. New information, especially that drawn 
from the letters of Sir Eerdinando Gorges, gives definite points in 
the movements of the ships, and aids in constructing a calendar in 
a fair degree accurate. 

The suspension of the journal on the Gth of October, {Vide antea, 
pp. 1G, S3) as Strachey's narrative forces to infer, and the conclu- 


sion that James Davies, an officer of the Mary and John, was its 
author, and the fact that the first vessel reaching England brought 
a journal of events to the time of sailing, create a probability that 
this vessel sailed from Sagadahoc about that date. Now we find 
the plan of Fort St. George inscribed, " taken out on the 8th of 
October, 1607," — a fact which joined with the former seems conclu- 
sive proof of the date of sailing. Gorges reports the first arrival 
on December 1st, which beyond doubt was the above ship, after a 
voyage of about fifty-three days. The former outward voyage from 
England, including time consumed at the Azores, had been sixty- 
seven days. Gorges, writing in after years, lost from memory this 
first return voyage, and gave the loth of December as the date of 
sailing, — in fact of the second ship. President Popham's letter of 
December 13th confirmed this date. Gorges' letter of February 7, 
1608, notes the arrival of a second ship, evidently this one, the Gift 
of God, after a voyage of fifty-four days. Later than this we have 
no precise dates, nor does anything show that a ship had yet been 
sent over to the colony. But in a letter of the 20th of March, 
Gorges writes, we " have sent two shippes from Topsome for the sup- 
plies of those that be there." The time is wholly indefinite, but one 
would infer that it was not long previous. If between the first and 
middle of the month, their arrival at Sagadahoc cannot be assigned 
earlier than the first week of May. Gorges, (Brief Narration, p. 22) 
though we may not trust his memory for the order of events, says 
that upon the arrival of the ship which left the colony December 
loth, orders were given to send back supplies, and that " the ships 
arriving in good time was a great refreshing to those that had had 
their store-house and most of their provisions burnt the winter 
before." These events well correspond and lead to believe that these 
supply ships which relieved the colonists, were the two despatched 



in the weeks previous to the 20th of March. Also there is no hint 
that one had been sent earlier, as the details of the Council's Rela- 
tion seem to prove ; — saying, that though Justice Popham had died, 
his son and others " omitted not the next year, (holding on our first 
resolution), to join in sending a new supply." If so, no despatches 
nor supplies reached the colony for eleven months after departure 
from England. The delay of provisions till May, after they had lost 
so much by fire, might really threaten them with famine, and would 
help to interpret the fact stated by the historian that " short com- 
mons caused fear of mutiny." Indeed, a letter of Gorges shows that 
the provisions in their outfit were not "answerable" to the intent 
and contract, and he also reports of the colonists that "theyr dyets 
were poore," further evidence of scanty or unsuitable food. In the 
first ship their physician, Mr. Turner, had returned with information, 
and " to solicite theyr supplyes." At his departure they had been 
more than four months away, and so the quality and the quantity 
of their provisions had been fully ascertained. Even if their fore- 
seen requirements voiced by Mr. Turner, were not urgent, still 
delay till March does not indicate vigorous activity of the company. 
It also detained the physician, an important personage, from them 
some five months. 

But such delay, from whatever cause, is most consistent with 
threatened famine, and with the report made by Gorges, of the de- 
parture of the two vessels. Though by him mentioned together, 
one may have sailed in February, and the other two or three weeks 
later.. No facts, however, yet disclosed will permit belief that any 
communications reached the colony much earlier than the month of 
May — an apparent neglect. 

In the letter of March 20th, Georges reports preparations and 
the intention to send out in May a third ship, of 200 tons. If the 



project was realized in that month, then a fourth ship must have 
sailed subsequently. But slow progress may have again prevailed, 
delaying that vessel till July. For we know that Sir John Gilbert 
died July 5, 160S, and this intelligence must have been carried out 
by the last ship. If Capt. John Smith's knowledge was accurate, — 
and he had opportunity to be well informed, — that two ships ar- 
rived, and subsequently a third, leaving the inference that these 
were all, it will verify the number given by Gorges. Hence the 
third, intended for May, probably did not sail till after July oth, 
and was the one to inform the colony of the death of a prominent 
patron. If it sailed within ten days after Gilbert's death it would 
not have reached Sagadahoc before the first of September, and the 
middle of the month is quite as probable. Then if Rawley Gil- 
bert's decision to return was immediate, and the consequent forced 
dissolution of the colonv soou determined, two weeks or more micrht 
be required to transfer stores and equipments, dismantle the fort, 
and make complete the abandonment. The embarkation, therefore, 
could not have taken place till about the first of October, and the 
last week of November would have brought them to Plymouth. 
The will of President Popham was proved Dec. 2, 1G08, which 
indicates arrival in the previous month. 



1. May 31. Sailed from Plymouth : June 1, took departure 

from the Lizard. 

2. June 25-July 1. At and near the Azores ; ships separated. 

3. July 


3. July 31- Aug. 4. The Mary and John on the coast of Nova 


4. August 5. Sighted the Camden Mts., and on the evening of 

the 6th anchored by the St. George islands. 

5. Aug. 7. The Gift of God arrived ; both ships anchored in 

St. George's harbor. 

6. Aug. 12. Sailed for Sagadahoc ; The Gift made it that 

night ; The Mary and John sailed beyond ; as- 
sailed by a fierce tempest, barely escaped wreck ; 
on the 16th gained the river. 

7. Aug. 19, 20. Chose site of plantation and began to fortify. 

8. Aug. 17 and Sept. 23. Expeditions up the river ; Aug. 28, 

to Casco Bay ; Sept. 8, to Pemaquid and Penob- 

9. Oct. 8. The Mary and John sailed for England. 

10. Dec. 1. Arrival at Plymouth. 

11. Dec. 15. The Gift sailed from Sagadahoc. 

12. Feb. 7. Arrival at Plymouth just previous to this date. 

13. March 20. Not long previous to this date, two ships sailed 

for Sagadahoc, carrying report of Sir John Pop- 
ham's death, eight months previous. 

14. May. Probable arrival ; return voyages unknown. 

15. July (10-20). Last ship sailed from England, bearing in- 

telligence of Sir John Gilbert's death. 

16. Sept. Arrival at Fort St. George. 

17. Oct. Embarkation of all for England and arrival near 

the end of November. 





HE return of a portion to England rests on the most ex- 
plicit testimony. Purchas, — the first to sketch events, 
— writes simply, " forty-five remained there," and ad- 
duces his authority, letters of Pres. Popham and others. 
Smith's History is equally clear ; " they were glad to send all but 
forty-five of their company back again." But other writers of the 
period, from whom we should expect a statement or allusion, have 
not a word ; still negative evidence cannot overrule the former, 
though the omission is remarkable. It is a fair presumption in the 
case of several of these interested writers, that matters prejudicial 
to the good name of the enterprise were passed over. 

First among the causes of return was the cold winter. It 
set in early and seemed severe, and contrary to their expectations 
forced suspension of their plans. They could not explore the 
country, prospect for mines, or carry forward industries proposed. 
But also it had now become apparent that their supplies were 
scanty. Admissions made lead towards the opinion that portions 
had proved unfit for use. There was likewise the main fact that 
the heavy work to establish the colony had been done, for we can 
presume that three months labor by the company had made the en- 
trenchments sufficiently strong, and provided comfortable lodgings. 
The winter season suspended prosecution of other work, and as 



idle men must still eat, prudent administration would reduce the 
number to a living basis. It is also manifest that there were in- 
ferior or intractable elements in the colony; these could be spared, 
and sound policy would send them back. 

The time of return must reasonably be set for December loth, 
in the homeward voyage of the Gift. They could not have been 
spared in October, and if our conclusions are correct that the third 
departure could not have been earlier than May, that date will not 
agree well with representations of causes in the weather and the 
scanty supplies. Yet Gorges writes concerning the second ship and 
has not a word of returning colonists, though he discusses the un- 
satisfactory state of their affairs quite freely. This is inexplicable, 
except on the ground that he would not mention a fact which might 
be construed to prove error in original plans, or to forebode the 
early failure of the scheme, for he was writing to Secretary Cecil, 
whose favorable regard he endeavored to enlist, that he in turn 
might persuade the king to render assistance. 

The return of half of the company would probably be kept secret 
so far as possible, or excused privately on the score of the terrible 
winter, that it might not discourage the patrons and largely weaken 
support. No evidence whatever shows subsequent accessions to the 
depleted company. If there is any force in the assumption of in- 
tentional omissions of reports prejudicial to the colony, there will 
be equal force against silence in matters which would show progress 
and increase. The several writers make references to a new supply 
furnished, necessaries to supply them, ships sent back with supplies, 
ships sent in March for the supplies of those that be there, but there 
is joined no word respecting men also, whether laborers, mechanics, 
planters, or persons for special duty. Gorges, doubting the sanguine 
representations of the president and anxious over " theyr idle pro- 



ceedings," thinks there must " go, other manner of spirits," for full 
success, but he has not a hint of plans to infuse such new elements, 
nor to re-inforce the colony by the ship of 200 tons to be despatched 
in May, nor when he avows hopes of something satisfactory to be 
accomplished before the summer is over. After the death of the 
Chief Justice maoy patrons were discouraged, so that the enterprise 
was weakened, and, until some proofs of success, some return of 
commodities to meet heavy expenses, we could not expect attempts 
to enlarge the colony. 





'HE friendly acquaintance at once begun at Pemaquid 
was continued so long as the journal makes report. No 
similar introduction by a Skidwares or Nahanada could 
be made to the Kennebec and Androscoggin tribes. 
The first meeting with some of them, on the exploring trip of Sep- 
tember 23d, revealed the Indians suspicious and inclined to treach- 
ery. Subsequently their information or misleading stories respect- 
ing alum mines higher up the river suggest the existence of a 
degree of friendly intercourse. But reports of enmity, treachery, 
murder, of scandalous treatment on the part of the English, have 
gotten a place in history. Whether facts, distortions, or entire 
myths, none can with authority affirm, for they have come through 
sources of uncertain reliability. According to the credit given 
these will diverse opinions prevail, but the stories must neither be 
accepted nor rejected by a jsriori assumptions of honorable charac- 
ter or the lack of it on the part of the colonists. That they have 
come through Indian and French channels does not make them 
worthless, but the oinLssion by early English writers is a fact to be 

. The historian Purchas wrote more particulars than any other, 
but he inclines to tell of the wonderful, and of native customs, 
rather than facts regarding the colony. It is evident that he drew 



his information from letters and reports sent over, and he probably 
includes no details of much more than half of the period of the 
colony's stay. He omits the ship-building, the burning of the store- 
house, ships arriving or departing, and has not a word of the final 

In the Relation of the Council, in Smith's History, in Gorges' 
Narration, the aims of discourse lie wholly aside from details and 
incidents of colony life. In the two former, all affairs pertaining to 
the natives are passed over, and in the latter, mention alone is made 
of acquaintance and trade with those at Pemaquid and Penobscot. 
Such of these writers as were interested in the success of this colony, 
or were urging colonization, would incline to withhold what would 
prejudice the English people, whose patronage was so desirable. 
And those from whom Purchas drew his account, would" not be 
likely to transmit for public use, tales of native hostility, nor their 
own misconduct. All details of the last months of colony life are 
lacking. Hence silence of the writers, omissions of various events, 
have no conclusive force against the occurrence of those events. 

On the other hand are the French and native narrations and tra- 
ditions. We cannot reasonably deny to the Jesuits a truthful re- 
port of the stories told them. Sufficient motives for the Indians to 
concoct such falsehoods about the English are not easily assigned, 
though flattery and lies are indeed associates. This motive might 
exist; to caution the French by hinting what they might expect, 
should they fail in kind and fair treatment. We cannot doubt that 
the Indians accurately represented the diverse spirit of the adminis- 
trations of the timid, gentle Popham and the headstrong Gilbert. 
There must be less suspicion of falsity, because the changed conduct 
of the natives seems a direct sequence from the change in the Pres- 
idents. The desire of the Armouchiquois to expel such neighbors, 



fears lest a tender cub would grow to a fierce wolf, are perfectly 
natural. The cunning plan, the murder, — what a circumstantial 
story if only contrived for French ears. The precise number, eleven, 
how unlikely in a made up story. The attempt to reduce the eleven 
to one, by a misapprehension in using the numerals onze and un, is 
a weak failure. It makes a poor story, a cheap falsehood, — so fine a 
plan cunningly devised and executed, and only one Englishman 
killed! Charlevoix seems to have given credence to the Jesuit 
narratives, that acts of intimidation drove out the English. The 
colony did withdraw, and the natives held that their hostile acts 
were the cause. 

The traditions derived from the Kennebec Indians supplement 
the accounts given by the French. Aboriginal traditions have 
always been regarded as entitled to a good degree of respect. The 
historian Hubbard seems to certify the veracity of the " ancient 
marriner," who heard from an old Indian the story of the quarrel 
in the fort. It was written only about seventy years after the 
alleged event. A very aged Indian could have been both witness 
and narrator. It does not seem reasonable to regard this as wholly 
a concocted story. In the later traditions of the Norridgewock 
tribe, Sullivan obtained the cannon story. Williamson shows that 
early residents upon the river believed the stories true. The first 
settlers, 1G30-G0, had good opportunity to obtain them and to 
judge of their worth as coming directly from Indians who must 
have known the facts. In that period of peace and friendliness, 
motives for falsification on the natives' part were few. 

So much can be urged for the belief that there were roots of 
fact from which these stories grew ; that there were hostile acts 
towards the colonists for which their own ill-conduct had given 
occasion. Exaggerations and distortions could easily change the 




originals, and we have no means to remove the accretions and get 
real kernels of truth. 

The change of policy, the harsh treatment by the second leader 
of the colony, as the Indians reported to Biard, are but reflections 
from the faithful portraiture drawn by Gorges of the ambitious, 
loose, injudicious Gilbert. That he could write of factions disgrac- 
ing each other, even in the eyes of the savages, hints at a posture 
of affairs, and of relations with them, which would invite or ensure 
breaches of honorable dealing. These slight disclosures of an ill- 
assorted colony will warrant expectation of abuses towards the 
natives which cudgels and dogs, or worse treatment, represent. 
Gorges shows that even then the French were inciting the natives 
to expel the English from the country. This was the general policy 
persisted in for a century and a half, and the Indians of the Kenne- 
bec at that time may have felt the baleful influence. Such incite- 
ment would bear speedy fruit in native retaliation for injuries and 
rebuffs. The killing of a number of the colonists becomes very prob- 
able. Doubtless this was the particular "deed" they disclosed to 
the French priest, and excused it by showing the outrages which 
had been the provocation. It must have been quite another affair 
than the slaying of Mr. Patterson by the savages of Kanhoc, 166 
which the historian mentions. 

As the colony was reduced to forty-five, then if a dozen were 
cut off by the savages, if factious, disgracing conduct weakened 
discipline and watchfulness, it would not be difficult for cunning, 


106. Query :— Was not this " river 
of the Tarratines," the St. George ? 
The name Nanhoc can be an elided 
form of tthich there are so frequent 
instances in English transfer of ab- 
original terms, and it bears close re- 

resemblance to the " Tahannock," 
which appears in the place of the St. 
George, on the map of 1610, com- 
prised in Mr. Alex'r Brown's " Gene- 
sis of United States.." 


wheedling Indians to get entrance to the fort and temporary pos- 
session of it. Yet this story and that of the discharged cannon, if 
containing a portion of fact, have mythical elements undoubtedly 
incorporated. If the latter did occur, it could best be assigned to 
the final disruption, and to the time of the transfer of guns to the 
ships. Then a loaded piece might have been discharged by mali- 
cious, reckless men, settling the score of grudges or revenge, origi- 
nated in past collisions, or gratifying the white man's often unreason- 
ing spite against the Indian,- and in leaving the detested shore, not 
in the least anxious about consequences. 

The conclusions are submitted. 

These various stories can not be fairly treated as unhistorical. 
Elements of truth existed to originate and shape them, though to 
separate the true and the false is impossible. Disturbed friendly 
relations with the natives might have been expected from the 
morale of the colony. These events would likewise have fallen 
into the last mouths of the colony's life, of which no details exist. 
The silence of English writers c:m be reasonably explained, and 
far more easily than the origin of these various reports without a 
basis of fact. The long infamous record of injustice and unkind- 
ness towards the Indian, provoking his terrible retaliations, may 
have had some of its shaming and bloody lines written at Sagada- 
hoc, as the kidnapping processes of that period bear proof. 



7s*^*»»»fiHE men employed in this scheme of Justice Popham and 
associates, what were they ? Rogues and transported 

JpPg convicts, or free emigrants having full privileges of 

""* — ' Englishmen, were divergent views in former temperate 
or acrid controversy. Not without warrant has opinion been formed 
adverse to the fair character of the colonists. 

Alexander, (antea, p. 94), 1G25, had written of them: "Pressed 
to the enterprise as endangered by the law or their own necessities." 
Aubrey, 1627-97, (Letters, II : 495) did not hesitate to say of 
Justice Popham : "He stockt or planted Virginia out of all the 
gaoles of England/' Wood, likewise, 1674, (Athenas, II : 22) " He 
was the first person who invented the plan of sending convicts 
to the plantations." Lloyd, 1635-91, (State Worthies, II : 46) reit- 
erates the opinion : " He first set up the discovery of New England 
to maintain and employ those that could not live honestly in the 

By these writers the Sagadahoc colony is directly assailed. But 
others have made general averments of similar tenor. 

Bacon, 1625, — " It is a shameful and unblessed thing to take 
the scum me of People and Wicked Condemned Men, to be the 
People with whom you plant." 

Fuller, 1642, (Worthies, II : 284.) " If the planters be such as 




leap thither from the gallows, can any hope for cream out of 
scum ? " — Again : " It is rather bitterly than falsely spoken con- 
cerning one of our Western plantations consisting of most dissolute 
people * * *." The Planter's Plea, 1630, testifies : " It seemes 
to be a common and grosse errour, that colonies ought to be 
Emunctories, or sinckes of states ; to drayne away their filth, * * 
this fundamental errour hath been the occasion of the miscarriage 
of most of our colonies." 

These statements have entered our literature, and no fair treat- 
ment can neutralize their force. They cannot wholly be error, nor 
evil detraction. Some basis in fact must have existed. Disreputa- 
ble or criminal persons must have been employed in foreign planta- 
tions. Further evidence of the fact appears. The Jamestown 
colony has not a clear record. Our historian Bancroft mildly con- 
cludes that so far as criminal classes entered it, they were chiefly 
political offenders, and therefore not to be classed with ordinary 
felons. But Parkman has drawn a picture more intensely dark 
(Pioneers of Prance, p. 275): "From tavern, gaming-house and 
brothel, was drawn the staple of the colony, ruined gentlemen, 
prodigal sons, disreputable retainers, debauched tradesmen, — yet 
the founders of Virginia were not all of this stamp." Lord Dela- 
ware sustains this charge, in a letter from the colony, July, 1G10 : 
11 Men of such distempered bodies and infected minds, whom no 
examples daily before their eyes, either of goodness or punishment, 
can deter from their habitual impieties." Some ten years later, 
Capt. Smith declares that " the honorable company have been 
humble suitors to his Majesty to get vagabonds and condemned men 
to go thither." We know that in 1619, the king gave command 
"to send a hundred dissolute persons to Virginia." 

Sir Josiah Child, treating of plantations, 1668, asserts that "Vir- 



ginia and Barbadoes were first peopled by a sort of loose vagrant 
people * * * had it not been for our plantations they must 
have come to be hanged, or starved, or sold for soldiers." The 
Spanish ambassador, Gondomar, writes to his king in 1614, of the 
departure of some hundreds, " most of them lost people or put in 
jail as vagabonds, and thus now they send them out to help in Ber- 
muda." Cartier and De La Roche had swept together men for their 
expeditions from the prisons ; and England may have profited by 
the example. Indeed, twenty years previous to the Popham colony, 
the earnest Hakluyt, arguing in behalf of schemes of " Westerne 
Planting," had urged the necessities of the wretched classes of 
England, and discussed the relief which would be afforded them by 
removal abroad, and the diminished strain upon society an$ govern- 
ment at home. 

Conditions in England then and in subsequent years, would 
create expectations that worthless or criminal persons would be 
drawn into foreign enterprises. Such schemes have always at- 
tracted the debauched and reckless, as our California emigration 
proved. England was swarming with the vagrant and dissolute, 
with beggars and bankrupts, with idle soldiers released from foreign 
wars ; their necessities were pushing them continually towards 
crime. There were criminals who had served their terms, suspected 
law-breakers, the wretched and despairing, who could lose nothing 
and might gain by change. A writer in 1G09, adverts to the " swarms 
of idle persons, which having no means of labor to relieve their 
misery, do likewise swarm in lewd and naughty practices, so that if 
we seek not some ways for their foreign employment, we must pro- 
vide shortly more prisons and corrections for their bad condition, 
* * most profitable for our state, to rid our multitudes of such as 
lie at home, pestering the land with pestilence and penury, and in- 


fecting one another with vice and villainy, worse than the plague 
itself." Hakluyt's plea was repeated by the Dean of St. Paul's in 
. a sermon to the Virginia company in November, 1622, wherein he 
hopefully cheers them : " the Plantation shall redeeme many a 
wretch from the Lawes of death, from the hands of the executioner. 
* * * To force idle persons to work it had a good use : but it is 
alreadie not only a spleene, to drayne the ill humors of the body 
politic." [Quoted in Thornton's Colonial Schemes.] 

These popular views of the uses of colonies are reflected in laws 
of that period. A law of 1598 provided for the banishment of in- 
corrigible rogues beyond the seas, and Justice Popham had a leading 
part in framing it. But it is held that expiring by limitation it 
was not in force in 1606-8. A new statute in 1609, requiring in- 
creased efficiency in punishing rogues, seems to have been the legal 
basis on which vagabonds were despatched to Bermuda, and a disso- 
lute class shipped to Virginia. By the poor laws of 1597 and 1601, 
vagabonds and sturdy beggars were whipped and passed on from 
parish to parish. Would it be difficult to push them on board ships 
in order to make them serviceable in some colony beyond the seas ? 
These various classes of indigent and lawless persons offered candi- 
dates whom slight hopes or fair promises would induce to try life 
in the colonies. Even in behalf of the Popham colony, the reit- 
erated plea of a " voluntary emigration," by the terms of the charter, 
will not debar vagabonds and felons from the colony. Some actions 
may be voluntary, although sorely against one's will. Many have 
ohosen and taken a wretched path, because other paths were more 
wretched or abhorrent. Many a poor fellow, in that period of the 
sway of the "hanging judge," stepped out of his dungeon into the 
light to have a knot tied under his ear, who would have rejoiced in 
a voluntary emigration to some foreign land. In no age of judicial 



process has there failed to be some winking at, or compromise with, 
the law-breaker. Nor can we put such confidence in Justice Pop- 
ham's honor, nor so estimate his known severity towards criminals, 
as to doubt that persons endangered by law, under surveillance or 
arrest, would be treated with a nol pros, if, when enlistments for 
Sagadahoc went hard, they would enter the company. Actual 
sentence of transportation we may deny. Other methods would 
put a sufficient number of vile or criminal characters into the 
colony, to furnish basis for the accusations against it. 

These views are adduced, not as proof of these opprobrious 
charges against this colony, but as proof that conditions of England's 
vagrant and criminal classes, prevailing opinion, public policy 
and act, created a probability that disreputable elements would be 
infused into it. We do not need to discuss the virtues or vices of 
Sir John Popham, nor to take the darker lines in his character as 
samples of the color of his colony. Though Gorges sets a portion 
of the colonists in a bad light, that does not prove that they were, 
before emigration, profligate and criminal. Yet there may have 
been such, and at the best some were undesirable and a menace to 
its peace and stability. Still we are now debarred from declaring 
it was by Sir John's agency. For Gorges avows that Popham 
was deceived by his agents, and men "not such as they ought" 
were enlisted in the enterprise. Plence he, as many another of 
stained integrity, may have been held guilty when innocent. Poor 
materials did enter the colony, but not certainly by his policy, — 
perhaps without his knowledge. There was, however, enough to 
put an ill name upon it, and writers ready to cast odium upon Sir 
John made him responsible. But not all those averments quoted 
can be applied to Sagadahoc, for subsequent enterprises were greatly 
defiled with "the scumme " of England. Wise and good men 



looked with alarm upon the menacing swarms of the vagabond and 
indigent. Justice Popham may have likewise advocated plans to 
provide them homes and work abroad, or laws to send them there. 
When after his death malefactors and the dissolute were sent off 
to Bermuda or Virginia, detractors or incautious writers made him 
the head and front of the scheme, the inventor and active promoter 
of colonization of criminals. But when every reasonable allowance 
is made, there remains in these historical statements something to 
the prejudice of the Sagadahoc colony. 

Gorges gives no clear views of the personal character of the 
company, but does indicate a large percentage of worthless, unintel- 
ligent, inefficient men, so that "impediments and infinite crosses" 
hindered the enterprise. He felt that " there must go other manner 
of spirits " to secure success. Truly in these hints he does not point 
out the solid yeomanry of England, not the respectable, diligent 
laborer, but the stolid, untrusty, debauched. By " theyr idle pro- 
ceedings," he may mean a great deal ; is it lawlessness ? is it selfish 
contempt for the work in hand ? Plainly their conduct was in- 
imical to the public welfare. Factions, which he reports, must have 
tended to contempt of authority; but factions disgracing each other 
in the eyes of the natives must mean insubordination, license, aud 
reckless behavior. In the dim reflected light of these few expres- 
sions, we get a blurred but not wholly misleading view of the 
colonists, as at least in part a low class of men, of light weight in 
character, by former practices, or by reaction from former pressure 
of severe administration of law, inclined to be lawless, and emulous 
of base and wicked deeds. The strata of English life from which, 
according to every probability, very many were taken, seems to 
verify the opinion. Still, while these admissions of Gorges are ad- 
verse and cannot be gainsaid as to some extent may be the strictures 




of Alexander, Aubrey and Lloyd, we cannot know whether he 
chiefly intended the official and leading members of the colony, or 
their subordinates. He freely expresses his opinion of the president 
and the admiral, commends the preacher and the physician, and re- 
gards the rest of those employed as fit for their places or tolerable, 
a remark more reasonably applied to the officers than to the work- 
ing class. After reports by the second ship, the factions and ill 
conduct which awake his fears, seem to involve the leading minds 
as much as the laborers. An impression is gained of a preponder- 
ance throughout of untrusty, unprincipled men. 




ISFORTUNE attended the enterprise from its inception, 
— where an equal list of the luckless and adverse ? 
Death knocked away main props, — the Chief Justice, 
-■ the President, Sir John Gilbert; then the compelled 
departure of Raleigh Gilbert, removing a strong hand, however am- 
bitious or injudicious, added another seeming calamity to a long 
series ; these, stroke upon stroke, cut away zeal and courage ; resolu- 
tion corroded by new fears, crumbled at the increased strain, bring- 
ing sudden and final collapse. 

A few strong hearts had remained steadfast. Gorges, foremost 
and persistent, gave no sign of weakened faith in final success, 
though disorder was imperiling the colony. Yet we cannot know 
his anxiety, when death transferred the presidency to one whose 
ability wisely to guide affairs he must distrust. His vigorous action 
no doubt forestalled Raleigh Gilbert's revolutionary scheme to re- 
vive the old patent to his father. When Gilbert learned the scheme 
was baseless, and was dispossessed of his ambitious project, he may 
have made an able officer for the colony, and accomplished as much 
in the season of 1G08 as his means and men would allow. It seems 
that in July, when the last ship sailed, the patrons stood firm and 
were giving ample support. Hut the ship carried intelligence of 
Sir John Gilbert's death, which became an effective wedge driven 



hard into an offered gap, to disable the main prop of the structure. 
Kaleigh Gilbert's heirship enforced his return. The colony was 
weak in numbers, for no fact hints at reinforcements ; weak by the 
sense that it must be harried by misfortune ; weak in men of force 
and resolution having faith in the enterprise and sturdiuess to en- 
dure. Here was an exigency unprovided for ; and probably no one 
was found willing or fit to take the helm, or the designated officer 
to command may have paled at the thought of adverse winds past, 
and fiercer ones to blow. Hence if Gilbert must go, all would go, 
and the order was given to dismantle the fort. Commodities, tools, 
provisions, the armament, — all were put on board the ships, and 
wheu the red cross of St. George was lowered finally, in the fort to 
which it had given a name, few or none felt regret. 

The wreck was hopeless, and was abandoned ; it became"a broken, 
stranded hulk on the shore behind as they all set sail for England. 
Politic, or feeble, or cowardly, the surrender of the enterprise under- 
taken on the coast of Maine was absolute and final. 

The fact becomes conspicuous in a condensed summary drawn from 
the foregoing literature. "The calamity and evil news * * * 
made the whole company to resolve upon nothing but their return 
with the ships ; and for that present to leave the country again." 
" The arrival of these was a wonderful discouragement, * * * 
no more speech of settling any other plantation in those parts for 
a long time after." "Our people abandoning the plantation * * 
The Frenchmen immediately took the opportunity to settle them- 
selves within our limits." (Relation.) "They all returned to Eng- 
land in the year 1G0S, and thus the plantation was begun and ended 
in one year, and the country esteemed as a cold, barren, mountain- 
ous, rocky desert." "It (the colony) had dissolved itself within a 
year, and there was not a Christian in all the land." (Smith.) 

" They, 


"They, after a winter stay, * * * returned back with the first 
occasion." (Alexander.) " Soon after deserted it and returned for 
England." (Maverick.) " The colonists * * * deserting the 
colony returned to England." (De Laet.) " All resolved to quit 
the place and with one consent to away, by which means all our 
former hopes were frozen to death." " Country itself was branded 
by the return of the plantation, as being over cold, * * * ." 
(Gorges.) "He, (Justice Popham,) dying, all fell." (Gardiner.) 
"The colonists returned home." (Heylin.) "The company by no 
means would stay any longer in the country * * * wherefore 
they all embarked * * * and set sail for England." (Strachey.) 
"Abandoned their enterprise that same year, and have not pursued 
it since." (Biard.) " The colony which the Chief Justice sent out 
to Virginia has returned in a sad plight." (Zuniga.) 

Thus by explicit and forcible terms does every writer of that 
century show the complete dissolution. The utter prostration of 
this scheme of colonization likewise appears in the state of public 
opinion, as palsying discouragement fell upon the former patrons, as 
hopes were frozen to death, as aspersions upon the region were 
multiplied, and it was declared unfit for English habitation. The 
ardent promoters were silent, making no more speeches for planta- 
tions for a long time. Such, as Strachey writes, was "the end of 
that northern colony upon the river Sagadahoc." 




Igg'UR historian Sullivan wrote, (District of Maine, p. 170,) 
" Soon after Popham's party left the river in 1608, the 
French took possession of it." He cites Hubbard as 
his authority, but reference to the latter shows the 
statement unwarranted, — a misleading or careless deduction, for we 
find only " when they began to encroach upon those places which 
lie beyond Kennebeck." Sullivan's unqualified statement may have 
mislead Williamson to repeat the error. (Vol. I, p. 203.) The 
Council's Relation indicates the actual fact, " Our people abandon- 
ing the plantation, * * * the Frenchmen immediately took the 
opportunity to settle themselves within our limits," i. e., within 
the territory claimed by the English crown. While the French did 
examine the coast, and enter the Kennebec, yet it is now well 
known that the most westerly point seized for a settlement was St. 
Saveur, at Mount Desert. From this place and from St. Croix and 
Port Royal, their three stations, they were ruthlessly expelled by 
Capt. Samuel Argall in 1G13. 

But another opinion assigns English residents or a fishing com- 
pany to Sagadahoc in 1C0S-9, after Popham's men withdrew. (Re- 
port Coast Survey, 1SG8, p. 12 ; Pophain Mem. Vol., p. 87 ; Coll. 
Me. Hist. Soc, Vol. VII, pp. 305, 310. 

This opinion appears to have been wholly derived from the nar- 


ratives of the Jesuits. These, however, give it no warrant, for 
whatever was written refers to the Popham colony itself, though 
misinterpreted of a subsequent company. The error was more 
easily made, from the former belief that the colonists departed in 
the early spring of 1608, and also by too ready acceptance of the 
date given by Pierre Biard. But the representations he makes, the 
circumstances detailed, manifestly pertain to that colony, — the one 
which built the fort, which had the two unlike leaders, which was 
forced to retire by the Indians, and according to the priest's in- 
formation was the only one that had come to locate there previous 
to his visit. But he mistook the year, regarding it 1G0S-9, not 
1607-8. Xor is the error surprising, for the natives could not give 
dates by calendar years, but only by counting back, and Biard 
made mistake in reckoning, — or in memory, when he came to write. 
It is impossible to adjust his statements to a second company suc- 
ceeding the former, especially in the late autumn. Not the least 
evidence warrants the re-occupation of Popham's fort nor of a 
seizure of any point along the Kennebec in that decade. 





|*p?Ff*^fHE flag was lowered at Fort St. George, and Sagadahoc 
utn£ fe>~--i was abandoned. The enterprise was broken and these 
fM$L luckless fragments, — all that remained of a well-equipped 

and hopeful colony, — the ships bore back to England. 

But even in the face of so clear a record as the historical evidence 
shows (pp. 213-4, ante"), theories have appeared in recent times 
adverse to so chilling a disaster. Protests have been raised against 
the conclusion of entire abandonment. It is held that colon}* life 
was not utterly terminated on the coast of Maine, but that a portion 
of these who had part in the disruption at Sagadahoc, separated 
from the party bound for England and did renew seizure and occu- 
pation. The opinion of the continuance of the colony, with such 
certification as it receives, is employed with directness of aim,— and 
perhaps was born out of the desire, — to win superior honor for 
Maine for priority of permanent settlement in New England. These 
theories require examination to ascertain whether they be only 
historical dreams, or permissible speculations, or if some slight 
basis in fact exists. 

We find that in support of the main theory, it is first alleged 
that Sir Francis Popham, — in behalf of the interests cherished by 
his late father the Chief Justice, — protested against the abandon- 
ment, persisted in the occupancy of the country, so that the enter- 


prise, though dying out at Sagadahoc, "must have survived at 
Pemaquid, although a languid exotic." Also by some process of 
recondite cognition there is discovered in the original scheme a 
"Popham influence/'' and likewise a "Gilbert influence," distinct 
as active elements, though for a time in recognized partnership. 
There is also " the Popham ship," the Gift of God, and " the Gilbert 
ship," the Mary and John, as if held in separate ownership and 
control throughout. Likewise the former is regarded as a Bristol 
ship, but the Mary and John is held to have represented London 
interests and to have carried out London emigrants. The idea of 
such separate interests is woven skillfully into the entire web of 
theory. Upon these matters it must be affirmed, that no proof 
whatever appears, and no conceivable basis for the idea of diverse 
Popham and Gilbert influence can be found, except that Ilaleigh 
Gilbert resigned the presidency of the colony and returned on 
account of personal interests and business, and that Francis Pop- 
ham subsequently pushed forward his own enterprises in his own 
way. Antagonism and protests between the two parties must be 
fancies, for not a word anywhere hints the fact. Popham, indeed, 
as other active and hopeful supporters, was pained and harshly 
disappointed at the surrender, but the blame must be assigned to 
the whole company, not to a Gilbert faction of it. We must also 
notice that while this assumed dividing line sharply separates the 
two parties, there is entire failure to allow a Gorges influence ; yet 
his active agency was a pronounced factor in the scheme from first 
to. last, even superior to that of the Gilbert family so far as is 
shown us. Such exclusion or ignoring of Gorges is a weak point in 
the theory, for he can not be eliminated from the controlling forces 
in the business, since it is very clear that he had weighty influence, 
and chief management, certainly after Sir John Popham's death. 




Again, that there were Popham ships or ship, and a Gilbert ship, 
making the outfit of the colony, must have been evolved from the 
simple fact that George Popham and Raleigh Gilbert were the re- 
spective commanders of the two vessels provided by the company 
for the outward voyage. There is not a trace anywhere of such 
separate ownership, although the fancy plays a helpful part in the 
theory, as likewise the quiet assumption that there were two Pop- 
ham ships, " the Gift and her tender." Here is a very subtle and 
persistent use of the error made by Gorges, through the indistinct 
memory of his advanced years, that "'three sail of ships " took out 
the colony to Sagadahoc, — an error which other authorities have 
corrected. Then it is held that the Gilbert ship carried the broken 
company back to England ; and as there is no record of the return 
or loss of the Popham ships, therefore the " presumption is conclu- 
sive " of their continuance on the coast of Maine subserving the 
interests of the Popham family in new enterprises. The lack of 
such evidence in the meager details given by early writers, is very 
slender warrant for so weighty a conclusion. Indeed, it was purely 
assumption, and extremely weak originally, but now is shattered and 
worthless, since we know that both ships returned to England, and 
these two or others in their stead came baok with supplies. There 
were at least rive vovages to and from Sagadahoc, and it may be 
fairly presumed that the two vessels originally employed were re- 
tained in the service of the company. The return to the colony of 
Capt. Davies argues the return of the ship of his former command, 
the Mary and John. Bnt we do not know what ship took away the 
retreating company, yet doubtless it was the large ship Gorges men- 

The Mary and John, the alleged Gilbert ship, is confidently re- 
garded as a London ship. Her hailing port was London, unless 



Strachey was mistaken ; yet she sailed from Plymouth, as the Nar- 
rations show. The Spanish ambassador Zuniga writes from Lon- 
don, at the close of December, 1606, concerning preparations to 
send vessels to Virginia, and of similar plans at Plymouth, " so that 
two vessels there were ready to sail." But these newsy reports 
which came to him were by no means accurate, — for Newport's fleet 
had just departed, — and in respect to affairs at Plymouth, were 
much at fault, for the two vessels, evidently the Gift and the Mary 
and John, were far from readiness, and did not sail till the end of 
May. Still his information gives evidence against a London de- 
barkation, showing that the vessels were for months waiting at 
Plymouth. Indeed, that London interests were represented in the 
Mary and John has not a fragment of support, save the one state- 
ment concerning her hailing-port, and is opposed by weighty rea- 
sons. London was the seat of operations of the southern colony ; 
but by like charter stipulations and evident design, the northern 
colony was assigned to Plymouth, Bristol and the west of England. 
Until facts to the contrary appear we must believe this division of 
territory was observed, and no London interests nor emigrants were 
associated with the Pophain colony. Chief Justice Popham's home 
was Littlecote, in Wiltshire, at no great distance from Bristol. 
Thirty miles to the southwest of this city was Bridge water, wdiere 
Capt. George Pophain was then revenue officer. Yet further south- 
west was Compton in Devonshire, the home of the Gilberts ; and in 
the same county was Plymouth, whose fort was in command of Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges. From these western ports, so far as known, 
sailed all the vessels connected with the undertaking. These facts, 
and the locations of the active managers, deny any " London influ- 
ence'' and participation. The only fact suggesting the least Lon- 
don relations is that the master ship builder Digby belonged there. 





Fancy can construct a Popham ship and a Gilbert ship, managed 
for separate and adverse aims, as buttressing parts of an unsubstan- 
tial creation ; but of such forces dominant in this enterprise, history 
knows nothing. 

Again, there is cast in for bearing on the main position the sug- 
gestion, that the forty-five mentioned as remaining may have been 
associated with the Popham ships in the second act of the colonial 
drama after the curtain suddenly fell at Fort St. George. This 
manifestly is a novel interpretation of the historians, and esteems 
the forty-five as a part}' left behind after the evacuation at Sagada- 
hoc. Such a violent twisting of the record is without excuse, for 
all that is known about the matter is told clearly ; — lack of pro- 
visions and the hard winter made reasons to send back all of the 
colonists but forty-five (Smith) ; forty-five remained there, Popham 
and Gilbert being in command (Purchas). This number, therefore, 
constituted the colony in the winter after the sailing of the Gift in 
December, and probably for the whole remaining time, since there 
is not the least suggestion of recruits. These also were the ones 
who made the final retreat. 

The foregoing presents the main parts of the theory which 
holds that by various agencies and endeavor there was secured else- 
where, Sagadahoc alone being abandoned, "'a continued though 
languid colonial existence.''' By this opinion, its promulgators are 
able to write in our Maine annals, a line dim indeed and hardly 
legible upon the blank page subsequent to the record of the Pop- 
ham disaster. The right to make the entrv is now at length chal- 
lenged ; the theory with its evidence requires detailed examination, 
with candid though rigorous treatnn-nt. 

In touching the main point, careful distinction must be made 
between seizure of the soil by laborers, settlers, builders, and trade 



and fishery along shore. It can be perceived that by skillful or un- 
conscious methods of constructing these views, a veil is cast over 
the line of separation in the two forms of enterprise, so that one 
easily merges into the other ; and evidence which beyond any one's 
questioning assures the latter, trade and fishing, seems to accredit 
the former also. Sir Francis Popham did engage in the latter and 
therebv sought to retrieve losses or to advance his fortunes. No 
one can suggest a doubt but that he would not yield to the general 
disheartening when the broken colony arrived ; he " could not so 
give it over," but having the ships, " he sent divers times to the 
coast for trade and fishing " ; — a precise account of his operations. 
This record also discloses no Popham ships distinct from Gilbert 
ships, but plainly, "the ships remaining of the company," with the 
provisions also, evidently the assets of the suspended firm, really 
bankrupt or declared so ; these in the settlement of affairs came into 
his hands, and he with energy employed them on private account. 
What ship or ships these were from those which had made the five 
departures to and from Sagadahoc can not be known, still the ships 
first sailing, the Gift and the Mary and John, probably belonged to 
the company. The pinnace Virginia was theirs because built by 
the colony's labor, but this could not have been in service on the 
Maine coast until a subsequent year, except perhaps for a single 
trip, for in the ensuing August it was at Jamestown, in the .fleet of 
Sir George Somers. 

We have no word showing how promptly Sir Francis entered 
upon the business, but doubtless in the following year. Smith de- 
scribed his operations definitely : "He sent divers times one Captain 
Williams to Monhegan to trade and make core-fish," but makes 
plainest denial of any thoughts or plans to renew a colony, saying, 
"but for plantations there were no more speeches." 




The Relation of the President and Council aims to narrate the oper- 
ations of the northern company and to detail affairs connected with 
plantations previous to 1622. The narration of Gorges has similar 
intent. Both were issued by parties having personal interest in 
those events, so situated as to have full knowledge of them, and 
having reasons to make the best showing possible. They dispel 
this fanciful theory. They have not a word of a new plantation 
established, nor of English residents transferred to another point on 
the coast and occupying the land in a semblance of colonial life. 
Not only silent, but they positively affirm the contrary, — " no more 
speech of settling any other plantation in those parts for a long 
time after": "wholly given over by the body of adventurers": 
"not habitable by our nation." Also they describe both the aims 
and ill-success of Sir Francis. The enterprise was ruinously broken ; 
the men having the most in it confess the fact; paralysis or death, 
it matters not which, smote this scheme of colonization, as the ships 
freighted with the stores and armament stood out by Seguin for 
England. They carried a disheartened fragment of the original 
number, perhaps one-third of the five or six score who first landed 
atSabino; but the record is lucid that all accompanied Gilbert; 
"made the whole company to resolve upon nothing but their return 
with the ships"; "all embarked * * and set sail for England." 
Indeed, the entire tenor of this document issued by the Council, 
as well as separate statements and implications in it, is conclusive 
against the opinion of a settlement begun, or of English people re- 
siding at any place in their limits. It seems a step of most presum- 
ing boldness, verging upon effrontery, to discredit the entire aban- 
donment of the country for a dozen years, at least till many and 
strong proofs can be adduced to modify or neutralize these aver- 


ments of contemporary and interested writers, whose business re- 
lations acquainted them fully with the facts. 

It must be noticed, further, that any theory that a part of the 
number turned aside to Pemaquid must furnish them with a re- 
sponsible head. The lack of a suitable leader to take Raleigh 
Gilbert's place was one main cause of surrender at Sagadahoc. 
Who then would take half of that factious company and begin 
again ? What one not willing to hold fast at Fort St. George 
would assume the responsibility or be able to win a dozen or a 
score of dispirited, homesick men to go elsewhere and repeat the 
experiences of the previous winter ? Who in the late autumn 
would leave a sheltering fortification, and attempt to fortify at a 
new point, though all the equipment of the place had been put at 
their disposal ? What little handful of men would brave hardship 
and probable disasters even greater than those which had brought 
defeat on that larger company ? Yet the theory before us requires 
all this. Francis Popham was not there, that he might order such 
an attempt, or create enthusiasm for it. The conditions would 
make such a plan wholly unlikely, even absurd, and the declaration 
to the contrary is clear and unqualified, — " by no means would stay 
any longer in the country." The circumstances and the historical 
record made at the time, unite to show that none could have re- 
mained behind in the retreat from Sagadahoc. The alleged enter- 
prise of Popham could not therefore have been entered upon till 
the following season. Hence a new colony, if there was anything 
which -could feebly represent one, must have been by the action of 
a new company provided and set down at a chosen location. Could 
it have escaped mention by these writers ? Would the Council have 
ignored it ? Indeed, Sir Francis Popham was one of the Council 
under the patent of 1600, and likewise under the charter of 1G20. 




He was therefore a member of the very body which put forth "The 
Brief Relation of the President and Council." That document of 
detailed proceedings shows by authority what Popham's operations 
were, and is constructively his own statement. Such holding of 
the ground, even by a feeble colony, would be a bit of real success 
lighting up those somber years of repeated failure. Could such a 
fact have been omitted in that declaration ? Would not Popham 
himself have ensured the introduction of it, that the Relation 
should be true to facts and just to himself? Such an enterprise 
which his courage and energy made in any degree successful, and 
yet not mentioned in these detailed transactions, is rationally im- 
possible. The omission in the Council's Relation would have put 
a false and discreditable coloring upon actual occurrences. 167 

But the Relation narrates the movements and endeavors in en- 
suing years. In the general disappointment and apathy some were 
yet sanguiue, " whereupon we resolved once more to try the verity 

thereof; " 


167. The departures of vessels re- 
ported by the Spanish ambassador 
(Genesis of U. S., pp. 107, 21:5, 217,) 
are without adequate explanation. 
His information was obviously inac- 
curate, and his statements must be 
taken with caution and allowance. 
He reports a ship and tender about 
to sail Jan. 1609. If it was from Lon- 
don, as seems, it was probably des- 
patched by the London company. 
Yet by transfer of his business to 
London Sir F. Popham may have 
sent this expedition to explore some 
new point, so quickly after he had 
gained control of the ships returned 
from Sagadahoc. But vessels des- 
patched to the fishing ground and 

for trade by Popham and others, may 
have been misinterpreted by the 
watchful Spaniard into attempts to 
colonize and fortify. His reports 
and gossip respecting plans laid for 
these ships do not represent actual 

Also in 1008 began the movement 
to New Foundland ; and in February 
of the next year a plantation was pro- 
posed, and soon established. 

Some of these obscure voyages may 
have been directed thither. 

The evidence is so decisive against 
attempts to renew colonies after Pop- 
ham"s7 that the projected voyages so 
obscurely shown up by Zuniga were 
misunderstood or effected nothim 




thereof ; " so Capt. Hobson was despatched. By his ill success in 
1614, these new plans were frustrated. Subsequently these undis- 
mayed and hopeful patrons sent out Smith, Dermer and others, as 
the Relation avers, with the special design "to lay the foundation 
of a new plantation," as also to try fishery and trade. Details are 
not permitted here, but what these agents endeavored and what 
they effected is fully exhibited in the history of that period, but 
there is confessed failure in establishing a plantation at any 
point. These operations cover the period from Hobson's voyage 
in 1614 to the close of Dermer's in December, 1619, and require 
the emphatic denial that any colony existed, or in a rudimentary 
state was undertaken in that vicinitv. 

Shortly before 1613, Spain made protest against alleged invasion 
of the English upon Spanish territory in America; but England 
denied to Spain any possessions north of Florida. A document in 
the English archives (Genesis of United States, pp. 669-673, whose 
author, Mr. Brown, ascribes it probably to Hakluyt, and refers it to 
the period between 1609 and 1613,) exhibits with details preceding 
Spanish settlements, and consequent allowable claims by virtue of 
such occupation. It reads thus: — u * * * All those large & 
spatious countries on the East parte of America from 32 to 72. 
degrees of northerly latitude, have not nor never had any one 
Spanish Colonie planted in them : but are both by right 'of first 
discovery performed by Sebastian Cabota at the cost of King Henry 
the 7th. & also of later actual possession taken in the behalfe & 
undet the sovereign authority of her Majesty by the several depu- 
ties of Sir Walter Ralegh, & by the two English Colonies thither 
deducted (whereof the later is yet ther remaining) as likewise by 
Sir Humfry Gilbert. Sir Martin Fiobisher, Mr. John Davis & 
others, most justly & inseparably belonging to the Crown of Eng- 
land. * * *" This 


This report, drawn up by competent hands, was made the basis 
of reply to Spain, asserting the rights of the British crown. The 
portion now quoted, which mentions two colonies deducted and one 
remaining, has been employed in advocacy of the continuance of the 
Popham colony. The statement is interpreted as intended to apply 
to the Jamestown and Sagadahoc colonies ; then as the Jamestown 
was earlier in establishment, the latter mast be the Popham, and 
hence, according to the literal rendering, was the one yet remaining. 
By this easy process of turning the eyes away from plain facts, the 
officials of James are made to certify the existence of that colony 
as late as 1612. That such an interpretation is glaringly faulty and 
misleading is manifest, for the language can mean nothing else than 
in the case of the two mentioned colonies, one failed, the other con- 
tinued ; one had disappeared, the other yet remained. We know 
the colony at Jamestown did hold fast, and at this date had attained 
stability and was ensured permanency and success. This report, 
therefore, could never have been written to contravene the fact, or 
by any inference to seem to assert its failure. This did not fail, 
but remained, and if either disappeared it was the Popham. Hence 
the citation actually proves the opposite of what it was employed 
for. The full text of this document, which indicates the reply to 
the demand of Spain, makes evident the true interpretation. It goes 
back to the operations of Raleigh and others, and must beyond 
question intend his abandoned colony in the Caroiinas. This and 
the one at Jamestown must be the two adduced as witnesses to 
English seizure and occupation unless some other uuknown was es- 
tablished iu the time of the queen, and still existed. The defining 
term also accurately represents the fact, that in Virginia was "the 
later " (or latter), and was the one yet there remaining, while the 
previous one at Roanoke had disappeared. Actual possession taken 



for the illustrious Elizabeth, and under her authority, is the main 
'fact, by Raleigh on the south coast, by Gilbert and Frobisher on the 
north. Two colonies likewise, representing that sovereign authority, 
establish England's right, though one indeed, the later, was in the 
reign of James ; still it is here associated with Raleigh's, as James 
cares not to put forward his own agency in distinction from that of 
the great queen, and indeed a majority of the leading patrons of 
the former scheme became managers in the Jamestown enterprise. 
This state paper, therefore, wholly omits notice of the Popham colony 
as if too insignificant in relation to the question. 

Evidence adverse to the presence of English colonies in Maine 
in that period is derived from French sources. Monsieur de Bien- 
court, the superior officer at Port Royal, with his party traversed 
the coast as far as the Kennebec in the autumn of 1611. For 
Capt. Plastrier, master of a ship of Honfleur, whose harbor station 
was at St. Croix, had sailed out for a voyage to Kennebec, evidently 
to beat up trade. In the vicinity of Monhegan, 168 he was seized 
by two English ships tarrying at the island. This seizure was very 
plainly a protest against French intrusion upon English rights, as 
the masters exhibited their papers warranting the act. Plastrier got 
release by valuable considerations, — in fact bribes, — and by promise 
not to traffic on the coast. Biencourt, learning the fact, was indig- 
nant, deeming it an insult to France, which he believed had rightful 


168. Biard writes the name of 
the island Einnietenic, manifestly a 
French reproduction of the aborig- 
inal term which now appears in the 

misapplied the true name of our pres- 
ent Metinic or the adjacent islands 
to Monhegan. The distance which 
he gives favors the latter, and will 

English Metinic or Matinicus. Two be regarded as stronger evidence 

suppositious arise: that the events 
transpired in the neighborhood of 
the Matinicus islands, or that Biard 

than the mere name. But on Metinic 
there are remains of ancient stone 
structures as yet unexplained. 



claim throughout the region. He remonstrated with the English at 
the island, but would not burn their shallops, as his men advised, 
because property of fishermen, not of soldiers. His expedition to 
the Kennebec was mainly occasioned by this grievance — as Biard 
definitely states it — to learn if we could get the better of the 
English (or could get satisfaction of them), and also to barter for corn 
with the natives. This expressed purpose may have been much 
colored by French swagger to redress an injury, but we must doubt 
if hostile acts were intended, since Biencourt's small craft, carrying 
a few guns, and only fifteen men besides the priest and two native 
guides, showed slight fitness to assault Fort St. George. But more 
probably, believing in English invasion of the rights of France, he 
would demand redress, would make firm protest, not simply to fish- 
ermen at Monhegan, but at the headquarters of authority, civil or 
military, and so exhibiting, as he felt fully competent, the claims of 
France, would by threats or diplomacy compass the withdrawal of 
the English. 

But at Sagadahoc the party found only an abandoned fort, and 
from the natives learned the time and causes of the departure. 
Biard writes the fact as he learned it : " They abandoned their 
enterprise in the same year, and have not pursued it since." This 
is positive at least for the Sagadahoc region up to 1G12. But Bien- 
court's party also explored the Penobscot and the Sheepscot, and 
ranged along the coast. They were in pursuit of Englishmen with 
whom to make so effective remonstrance as to drive them out of the 
territory. They could find none. Biencourt could only set up a 
cross bearing the arms of France at the harbor of the island Em- 
metenie, whence came the English who committed the offence 
against l'lastrier. It is impossible that even a feeble colony could 
then have had existence, or that a small party was then lodged in 




business operations at any point between the Penobscot and Kenne- 
bec. Biard's narration shows conclusively that Biencourt neither 
found nor heard of a single Englishman throughout the whole trip, 
except fishermen at the islands. 

The testimony of Capt. John Smith alone should be conclusive. 
He writes explicitly upon the basis of full information gained in 
his exploration of the coast, as he examined twenty-five harbors 
and visited the habitations of the savages. He counts up forty of 
the latter, but not one point held by Englishmen. Indeed, he posi- 
tively states the fact : — " When I first went to the north part of 
Virginia, where the western colony had been planted, it had dis- 
solved itself within a year, and there -was not a Christian in all the 
land." He means by Christian, the civilized people jof Europe in 
distinction from the savages of America, who were ordinarily 
termed heathen. Not an English resident in all the land is his 
assertion, which covers by implication the period from 1608 to 1014, 
when he went thither. He means that the dissolution of the 
colony took every one out of the country, and not one had made a 
lodgement subsequently. He intends also colonists, settlers or resi- 
dents on shore, such as the Pophara party, in distinction from 
fishermen and transient traders. For when denying the presence 
of a European, he reports Francis Popham's ship in a harbor over 
against Monhegan, employed by him in trade and fishing. His 
statements, therefore, put the two kinds of operations in sharp con- 
trast, a colonist or resident in an abode upon the land, a trader 
along shore, whose vessel was his lodging and defence. Smith 
mentions places he examined, of which his map furnishes further 
details: Penobscot. Segocket, Muscongus, Pemaquid and others. A 
theory that a possible English colony, in a most rudimentary and 
languid state, existed at one of the above points, but without 
Smith's knowledge, would be ridiculous. But 


But he likewise makes other incidental statements which stand 
in proof of the non-existence of even a feeble colony. He makes 
the health of his own company an argument for a favorable climate. 
But Englishmen resident for several years would have furnished 
better proof. He regards the soil fertile because of his own success 
in raising salads on Monhegan. Actual settlers could have given 
other valuable facts. He shows that corn could be obtained from 
the natives enough for 300 men for a few trifles. But if settlers 
had been for years occupying the lands, if farms at Sheepscot and 
granaries at Pemaquid had begun to flourish, he would not have 
failed to have offered stronger arguments in favor of successful 
plantations. He was stirring up the public by every expedient to 
induce persons to go out to occupy the country, yet he^has not a 
reference to a plantation or a settlement of any kind existing, nor 
to cultivation of the soil, or enterprises anywhere upon the land, 
which would have so much reinforced his pleas. He says of his 
voyage in 1G14, that he was to have stayed with ten men to keep 
possession of those large territories, and mentions a similar plan for 
the next year, to stay in the country with sixteen men to make 
trial ; had accepted overtures of Nahanada, the friendly Pemaquid 
chief, to locate there to defend him from the Tarratines. This plan 
for Smith, a daring adventurer, to hold possession of the country in 
behalf of the English, proves no colonists already there, for.then his 
services would have been needless, and certainly no colony could 
have already occupied Pemaquid, the very point where these theo- 
rizings locate continuous settlements, otherwise the chief would not 
have sought for Smith and his company to protect him. 

Purchas also, mentioning Smith's ill-fortune of 1(315, adds, " This 
present year, 1G1G, eight voluntary ships have gone thither, and we 
hope to have English colonies renewed in this northern plantation 



called New England." What could make a stronger implication 
against the existence of a colony at that date ? 

Smith relates how Hunt's base villainy in kidnapping savages 
prevented the agent of Gorges from accomplishing anything in 
trade. Then, if no trade along shore, English residents in any part 
of the Pemaquid country would have been in great peril in that in- 
censed state of feeling. 

Thus Smith gave account of his voyages, and exploration of the 
coast, drew a valuable map, designated settlements, gave the fullest 
extant description of the country for that period, but without a 
clause or implication disclosing a feeble colony or lodgings of the 
English on the land for a single year. Not merely is he silent, but 
he expressly declares that all his endeavor and solicitations availed 
nothing, no more than "to hew rocks with oyster shells," and that 
nothing was done for a plantation till "some Brownist went," and 
in a jesting mood at their suffering endurance, admits success at 
New Plymouth, which had failed on the coast of Maine. Truly 
Smith did tell great stories about himself and his enterprises, but 
as here he confesses failure, we must believe he does this time truth- 
fully portray the fact. 

Thus full and conclusive is the historical evidence for the retreat 
of the whole Popharn company, and for entire cessation of similar 
or weaker attempts in the ensuing decade. 

Search for the basis of the opinion that colonial existence was 
maintained at other points, chiefly at Pemaquid, reveals a surprising 
vacuity and incompetence. 

At first in tentative support, it was put forth, though by inex- 
plicable historical misreading it would seem, and the error early 
refuted, has been repeated, has clung to life, and even now occa- 
sionally reappears in articles by novices lacking original inves- 


tigation, that Damariseove had by 1622, become the granary of 
embryo settlements where were stored products of adjacent agri- 
cultural communities; and that this island or Pemaquid supplied 
food to the straitened colony at New Plymouth. Thus, it is held, 
Maine, by anterior beginnings, was able to bestow her charities upon 
needy Massachusetts. But the vision of grain barns and cultivated 
acreage vanishes under the sunlight of accurate historv, whose 
record is unmistakable and easy for a child to interpret, and which, 
by the pens of Winslow and Bradford, discloses simply English 
fishing ships about Damariseove charitably furnishing to Winslow 
and his men, as they voyaged thither, surplus provisions from their 
stores brought out from England. Bread baked in English ovens, 
transported in English ships to the fishing grounds, not the 
products of Sheepscot farms, fed the famishing families of the 

It has been held and still is mildly hinted that forty-five of the 
Popham colony did not return to England. But as previously 
written, the historians show a first depletion, leaving that number 
behind, then, after renewed disaster, the departure of all. Two 
separate embarkations are the lucid facts of the meager historv, — 
the former being the more obscure, the latter unmistakable, when 
all, without qualification, returned to England. 

It is freely asserted that French missionaries show English resi- 
dents at Pemaquid in 1608-9. To educe such an opinion from the 
Jesuit Kelations, they must have been carelessly read or obtusely 
misinterpreted. The narration on which this view is based has, 
first of all, not the least reference to Pemaquid. Whatever was in 
it pertained wholly to the Sagadahoc. Also beyond question it in- 
tended the Popham colony itself, for it clearly outlines main 
events iu it. These French writers knew nothing of but one party 



of English residents there. Intelligent search in the Jesuit writ- 
ings can find no more. The date, nevertheless, is erroneous, which 
has furnished to eager theorists a false basis of conclusion. Fere 
Biard misconceived the year and assigned the colony to 1608-9 
instead of 1607-8. 

An argument is sought in the charter of 1620, as it recites former 
stipulations and declares that the charter parties of 1606 " had taken 
actual possession of the continent and settled emigrants already in 
places agreeable to their desires." Hence it is alleged that in and 
about Lat. 44°, more than one place had been occupied, conse- 
quently another than Sagadahoc. But we find first that the text 
has no restriction nor particular reference to the vicinity of 44°, 
but will comprise the whole extent of the grant from 40° to 48°. 
Also the intent is to assert and emphasize actual possession taken 
according to stipulations; at what or how many points is a subordi- 
nate and inferior matter. In the generalizations of a state docu- 
ment, a plural, very common in legal phrasing, has slightest force 
in such a connection as this to prove a point in debate. Indeed, to 
have used the singular place, would have given particularity and 
restriction not desirable. The northern company did seize and 
hold the Sagadahoc territory for a time, and that occupancy sup- 
ported England's claim to the continent. The range that colony's 
exploration and traffic took, comprising four or five rivers and many 
harbors, will permit fully for use in legal forms the term " places," 
though emigrants did not locate in all. Likewise, claimants for a 
grant would make their best showing, and as the charter says 
"some of our people," if a few persons had once or twice set them- 
selves down on some part of the coast, holding on for a part of a 
year, or over the winter season, as Vines at Saco, — and such fruit- 
less endeavors were made, as Smith shows, — the fact would have 
allowed the claim which appears in the plural, " places." Our 




Our New England historian, Hubbard, is supposed to furnish 
proof. He refers to the Sagadahoc colony, and adds : — " soon after 
other places were seized and occupied — improved in trading and 
fishing." Here the date is very indefinite, — soon after, but even 
were that pertinent, there is still not a word of settlements, or a 
weak colony having existence, since he interprets his own meaning ; 
— such enterprises along shores and in harbors as trade and fishing 
require. Indeed, in support of the theory, these operations are re- 
peatedly put forward, as if necessarily implying accompanying co- 
lonial life, and with subtle force change the point of view and 
unconsciously mislead the incautious. No doubt that Hubbard in- 
tends the operations of Sir Francis Popham, of Smith, of Gorges 
and others, whose ships frequented Monhegan, Peinaquid, Damaris- 
cove, at times between 1G08 and 1622. Whatever light and slender 
inference might be gained from a single clause of Hubbard's narra- 
tive, he does elsewhere show his opinions clearly in respect to the 
matter, and in entire conformity with historical evidences here 
previously adduced, that no plantations were established till 1620. 
He derived his materials from the same original authorities as have 
been here examined. 

From him likewise is drawn out a straw of support for the 
theory, as he wrote ''there had been for a long time at Pninaquid 
seven or eight considerable dwellings or establishments." To what 
date will this long time extend ? Fifty years would put deep marks 
of age upon ill-built structures for shelter or business. If nearly as 
old as known operations of Gorges at Monhegan, they would fully 
answer the quotation. So indefinite a statement has no value in 
proof of an existing colony. With 1622, we pass the point in 
which we have details of business on our coast. 

Cast in likewise to prop the weak structure is an erroneous 



conclusion used by very many writers, taken from Sullivan origi- 
nally, with the impress of his faulty work upon it, and which has 
played an important and mischievous part in much historical work. 
It is that in 1630 there were fifty families at Sbeepscot farms ; also 
eighty -four families at Sagadahoc and eastward. (District of Me., 
pp. 167, 391.) Happily this time Sullivan appended the original 
document, the statement of Capt. Sylvanus Davis, made in 1701, 
which will correct the error. Davis simply says, " English settle- 
ments that he hath known to be formerly at, and to the eastward of 
Kennebec. * * * Sundry English fishing places, some 70 and 
some 40 years since." The latter clause contains all that indicates 
the date of these settlements, and that refers directly only to fish- 
ing-places. But even making the families contemporaneous, the 
time will be 1631 to 1661, inclusive. Here Davis counts up the 
families which he knew within that period, as settlers were coming 
in. He places none of them definitely at 1630. But writers zealous 
to make out great things early in Maine have assigned the thirty or 
the eighty-four families, all of them, back to the earliest date which 
Davis would allow to any. So if that number had located by 1630, 
many must be carried far back in the previous decade, and an early 
influx of inhabitants is by this manifest and needless error secured 
for Maine. It is full time to hear no more from any making pre- 
tences to history, of thirty families at Sheepscot farms in 1630. 

Further, a French encyclopedist is quoted, who, holding very dim 
ideas of English colonization, wrote that "the Pophara colony fell 
into languishment," — from whence the inference that it did not die 
out. The same wise writer adds that Capt. Smith's voyages were the 
first to yield any benefit to the colony. In wonder we ask, what had 
Smith to do with that colony ? That statement reveals how little 
the Frenchman knew of the matter in hand, and makes the whole 



too worthless for citation. Yet the direct evidence of Smith, 
Gorges and others, intimately concerned as actors or patrons in 
these' affairs is cast aside, and such broken straws as the above em- 
ployed to prove continued colonial existence. 

In like manner, a Swedish history is made to bolster up this 
frail theory. In a cursory view of beginnings in America less than 
a dozen lines cover the Sagadahoc enterprise, from which a frag- 
ment regarded as helpful is extracted : — "After 1G12, a number of 
people went thither." Inquiry will arise with those versed in the 
history of this period, — what pertinence has this date ? and what 
does the author mean, and what new information is conveved ? 
An extension of the quotation, however, is desirable. We therefore 
read, that the company under Popham and Gilbert "settled them- 
selves in that part now called New England ; and after tfiey had 
found themselves comfortably established there, they built a town, 
and obtained a patent from King James I, for the whole tract from 
40° to 48°, calling it New England. After the year 1612, a number 
of people went thither in order to seek their fortunes in that 
country, which was divided into parts, so that now called New Eng- 
land lies in 40° to 41°." What worth has this ? Is it not a 
garbled, clumsy and most incompetent exhibit of those events? 
Then he refers for further information to the writings of John 
Smith, R. Grenville and others, by which he shows that all he 
knew of those matters was obtained from well known historical 
writings. This author is confidently cited as if he had sources of 
information hidden away in some Scandinavian repository, which 
would give his conclusion much weight. But indeed, his translator's 
opinion is unequivocal and definite, that his work has but slight 
historical value. Of how little worth in bearing upon the present 
question, the above extract makes perspicuous without discussion. 



This author is cited as "Campanius," and indeed not infrequently 
so, though his name was Thomas Campanius Holm, whose history 
of New Sweden, i. e., Pennsylvania, was printed at Stockholm in 
1702. Its chief worth is said to be in its descriptions of the region, 
— natural features, products, and the beginnings of the Swedish 
settlement, in which his father and grandfather participated, though 
the author was never in this country. 

Again our historian, Sullivan, is forced to bear witness. His 
history is cited as showing that there were people at Pemaquid 
from the time of Sir Humphrey Gilbert. The bold, unblushing 
error can find no excuse, even though visions of Pemaquid's fabled 
antiquity transform all sober facts. Sullivan has no such state- 
ment, nor did he even mention Pemaquid in the alleged connection. 
What he does say is this, that from Gilbert's time "people were 
constantly on the sea coast engaged in trading and fishing.'' (Dist. 
Me., p. 1G0.) How very wide of the mark is that from establishing 

The antiquities of Maine, especially in the Sheepscot and Pem- 
aquid region, relics, implements, traces of the works of civilized 
men, are adduced as probable corroboration of these views of early 
colonial life, of which that disheartened exodus from Fort St. George, 
rinding an asvlum farther east, was the initial act and movement. 
Those relics, however, are dumb witnesses ; they tell neither age nor 
origin ; ancient dates inscribed are frauds, erroneously read, or 
mischievously interpreted. Still with positiveness this much can 
be asserted: historical evidence already considered makes unassail- 
able proof adverse to their origin in the dozen years anterior to 1G20_ 
Meu were not there; towns or hamlets were not built; such indus- 
tries did not thrive in that period. Witnesses who knew the facts 
have given testimony. Hence these relics must be referred to sub- 




sequent years of known early settlement, or perhaps by a stretch of 
our credulity permitted to hold a shadowy place in some movement 
of the previous century, whose mystery mocks our fancy. 

The foregoing indicates the methods of procedure, and comprise 
the main historical data employed to prove colonial life maintained 
at Pemaquid in the decade following the desertion of Fort St. 
George. Their weakness is apparent and surprising. In them are 
gathered misconceptions of facts and misinterpretations of history ; 
errors of later writers are accepted and used to construct a greater 
error ; fragments taken out of connection perform a mischievous 
service ; the authoritative statements of ancient writers, — the very 
parties engaged in the colonizing schemes of that period, — are 
ignored. These materials are still so united with undoubted facts, 
with quiet, far-reaching assumptions, with inferences that bridge 
the chasm of difficulties, that the argument gains apparent force 
and plausibility, and seems conclusive to the uniustructed. But 
the direct, positive, as well as inferential testimony of the very 
actors in those movements and endeavors to possess the coast of 
Maine, prove them utterly weak and worthless, although out of 
a web of skillful theorizing and fancies has been evolved a vision 
of unreal history. 


> *4&±J 




i'OME outlines in the history of those who bore this name 

are a proper supplement to the foregoing. No compre" 
hensive. genealogies have been published, yet pedigrees 
have been traced to considerable extent, and materials 
collected which show the antiquity, the distinction and the impor- 
tant relation of the Pophams to English affairs through several 
centuries. The following has been drawn from the Visitation of 
Somersetshire, 1623, and from Burke's Dictionary of the Landed 
Gentry, Eds. 184S to 1SS3, and from documents and materials in 
English public repositories. Rev. Frederick Brown, of London, 
lately deceased, had gathered a large collection of materials regard- 
ing the Pophams, and sketched an elaborate pedigree. The unpub- 
lished Mss. are now deposited with the Somersetshire Archae- 
ological Society at Taunton Castle, and invite the future Pop ham 

It need be said that authorities in England regard the pedigrees 
derived from the Harleian Mss. and printed in the Visitation of 
Somersetshire as uot worthy of reliance, frequently inaccurate and 

The Pophams were an ancient family in the south of England; 
but to how remote an era the name can be traced, even Burke does 
not indicate. The line is taken up when a person bearing the name 



was advanced to honorable station among the landed gentry by 
coming into possession of the manor of Popham, a township in the 
county of Hampshire. By whatever causes the rights of the manor 
had devolved upon, and its hereditaments were held in trust by, 
Robert Clarke, Esq., it seems in accordance with some special char- 
ter of the Empress Maud (1135-54). His daughter and heir, Joan, 
married Gilbert Popham, of Popham, to whom the estates then 
passed, and from this union the Popham pedigrees are reckoned. 
This Gilbert Popham is assigned to the time of King John, but the 
date of the marriage is not given. 



I. Gilbert Popham of Popham, in the time of King John. 

M. Joan, dau. of Robt. Clarke, Esq., and heiress to 
the Popham estates. 
His son was 
II. Robert, of Popham, whose son and successor was 
III. John. He was great-grandfather of 
VI. John (Sir), who d. lGth year of Richard II, [1393,] whose 

son was 
VII. John (Sir), constable and governor of Southampton in Eng., 
and of Tourain and Bayonne in France in time of 
Henry V, [1399-1413]. (No heirs, or line followed 


• • no further.) 

His brother Henry d. 17th, Henry VI, [1446], whose son 


VIII. Stephen (Sir), who left no male heirs. 

This pedigree omits two generations, the son and grandson of 



John, (III) son of Robert, and gives for the succeeding, a Sir John 

It also aids to make a needful correction in the early part of 
this work (p. 24). The statement that Chief Justice Popham was 
sixth in descent from Gilbert Popham, was derived from the Pop. 
Mem. Volume, p. 229 ; but it is a manifest error. Beyond doubt in 
that work, it was made by a mistaken interpretation of this some- 
what obscure statement by Burke respecting the great-grandson of 
John (III). This man was not Sir John, the Justice of England, 
but another knight who died in the time of Richard II, (1393). 
For it is seen that the period from Gilbert, about 1.200, to the birth 
of the Chief Justice, is 331 years, and if he were the sixth in de- 
scent, there would be an average for each generation of some sixty 

The second son of Robert (II) and brother of John (III) 


I. Sir Hugh Popham, Knt. An official of King Edward I, 

[1272-1307]: m. Joan le Blount, widow of Sir 

John Trivet, and dau. and sole heir of Sir Stephen 

de Kentisbury, Knt. of Huntworth, in the county of 

Somerset. By this marriage Sir Hugh became the 

ancestor of the Huntworth line of Popharas. 

II. Sir Hugh. 

III. John, m. Alexandria Horsey. 

IV. Hugh, m. Hawise Brent. 

V. John, m. Dionys Powell (or Paulet). D. in 48th of Edward 

III, [1375]. 
VI. Thomas, m. Cecilia Hugon j d. in 6th of Henry V, [1419]. 




VII. William, m. Agnes Edmondes ; d. in 4th of Edward IV 

VIII. John, m. Isabella Knowles. 
IX. Alexander. [ Vide postea.~\ 
X. Edward. [Vide postea.~\ 
XI. Alexander, m. Dulcibella Barley, had three sons. 

1. Edward, colonel ; magistrate ; sheriff in 1623 ; m. 1, 
Dorothy Bartlett ; 2, Anne Gifford ; d. 1601, childless. 

2. Alexander, of Bridgewater (1623) ; m. Frances Mi* 

3. Thomas, who as heir to eldest brother was 

XII. Thomas, Esq., of Hnnt worth, which manor was sold in time 
of Charles I [1625-49], to the Port mans. He m. 1,- Grace 
Dale, and 2, Mary Darby. 

XIII. Thomas. 

XIV. Alexander. 

From the above 
IX. Alexander of Huntwoith: m. Jane, dau. of Sir Edward 
Stradling, of St. Donal's Castle, Glamorganshire. 
According to Visitation Som., p. 124, their children were 
seven : William, son and heir, Edward, John (Sir), Robert, 
d. childless, Elizabeth, Catherine, Dorothy. But according 
to Burke, they were five; Edward, heir; John, (Sir); Eliz- 
abeth ; Catherine ; Dorothy. Order of birtli in both lists, 
unknown. Evidently, the early death of William, the 
heir, gave Edward the succession. John became the Chief 
Justice. Elizabeth m. 1, Richard Mitchell, of Cannington ; 
2, Henry Vuedale. Catherine m. Wm. Boole. 
X. Edward, of Huntworth, in. Jane, dau. of Richard Norton, of 
Abbott ? s Lee, Bristol ; died 1586. Children accord- 




ing to Vis. Som., p. 87, were sixteen : — Alexan- 
der, Thomas, Ferdinando, George, John, Humphrie, 
Sara, Elizabeth, Sara, Elizabeth, Jane, Katherine, 
Penelope, Rachel, Dowreball, Thomas. The four 
last mentioned, died young, as also (by another 
authority) a son Bartholomew. The order of birth 
is not shown. But again, Vis. Som., p. 124. There 
are but six : — Alexander, George, Ferdinando, 
Thomas, Sara, Elizabeth. These all are mentioned 
in their mother's will, but her husband, in a will 
two years earlier, had not mentioned the three 
younger sons. The reputed inaccuracy of the Har- 
leian Mss. finds evidence in the above, perhaps the 
mingling of two families, or omissions in first list ; 
otherwise ten or eleven of this large family died 
before their parents. The dau. Sara m. Edward 
Courte ; Elizabeth m. Henry Forde. George is 
styled " a captaine," and is regarded as the presi- 
dent of the Sagadahoc colony. 


John (Sir), son of Alexander of Huntworth, Lord Chief 
Justice ; b. 1531 ; d. 1G07, June 10. M. Amye, dau. 
of Hugh (or Robert) Games (or Adam) of Caselton, 
in Glamorganshire. By purchase, the terms of 
which, as is confidently charged, involved judicial 
dishonor, he became possessor of the estate of Lit- 
tlecote, in Wellington, iu the county of Somerset. 
His children were 1. 













— 1 

































2 45 

1. Francis (Sir), Knt., only son and successor. 

2. Penelope, m. Thomas Hannam (or Hanham), Ser- 

3. Elinor, m. Eoger Warre, of Hestercombe. 

4. Frances. ? 

5. Elizabeth, m. Sir Richard Champernowne. 

6. Jane, m. Thomas Horner, Esq. 

7. Catherine, m. Edward Rogers, Esq. 

Another daughter, Marie, must be added, or by error in 
name, substituted in place of Frances. 
Marie, m. Sir John Mallett. 
The eldest daughter Penelope, had a son bearing his father's 
name, Thomas Hanham. No evidence but name and relationship 
appears, still these will be esteemed conclusive that one of the two, 
probably the elder, was the Captain Hanham of the ship sent out 
chiefly in the interest of the Chief Justice to the coast of Maine in 

The vocation of both was the law, and without doubt neither 
was a practical seaman, but the Justice selected his trusty son-in- 
law, to be the controlling agent in that expedition, and he is styled 
captain. But Capt. Pring, an experienced navigator, conducted the 
voyage according to the direction of his superior, Hanham, who 
went to observe, examine, in order to make report to the company 
in reference to the best location for the intended colony. 

II. Francis (Sir), son of Chief Justice ; neither date of birth nor 
. . death are given : m. Anne, d. and h. of John and 

Eliz. Dudley. 
Their children were five sons and eight daughters: 1. 
John; 2. Alexander, heir; 3. Thomas; 4. Hugh; 5. Ed- 
ward. 1. Mary ; 2. Amy ; 3. Elizabeth ; 4. Frances ; 5. 
Jaue ; 6. Eleanor; 7. Katherine; 8. Annie. Sir 



Sir Francis was a member of last parliament of Elizabeth, 
and of all of James I and Charles I ; excepted out of gen- 
eral pardon by latter prince. 

His son John was gentleman of Privy chamber : Hugh 
was slain at Sherborne in the civil wars : Edward was ad- 
miral of fleet, and had public funeral at Westminster 
Abbey, Aug. 1637. 

III. Alexander, son of Sir Francis; d. 1669; in Cromwell's par- 

liament, and in 15th and 16th of Charles I ; colonel 
of foot in parliamentary army; voted for the Res- 
toration ; entertained Charles II, at Littlecote. 

IV. Francis (Sir), d. 1674. Knighted at coronation of Chas. II. 
V. Alexander, d. 1705. No heirs, and estates passed to uncle. 

VI. Alexander, in parliament, 1654-6. 
VII. Francis, d. 1735, aged 52. 
VIII. Edward, in parliament, 1741-7, 1754-61; d. 1779. 
IX. Francis, d. 1780, no heirs; estates devised to nephew, Edw. 
Wm. Leyborne, Esq., who assumed the Popham 
arms and surname and became 
X. Edward William Leyborne-Popham ; b. 1764, June 27 ; 
general in army ; high-sheriff 1830 ; m. 1806, July 
23, Elizabeth Andrew, dau. of rector of Powder- 
ham, Devon. 
XI. Edward William, of Littlecote and Hunstrete Park ; b. 1S07, 
Sept. 6; d. 1881, without heirs. The estates passed 
to the son of his brother Francis, who is 
XII. Francis William Leyborne-Pophain, the present possessor 

of Littlecote. 

Other subordinate families, given by Burke, are the Pophams 
of Bagborough, the Pophams of Shanklin. A grandson of the great 



Justice, removed to Ireland, and a descendant immigrating to this 
country was an officer in the revolutionary army. His descendents 
are residents of the state of New York. (Pop. Mem. Vol., p. 229.) 
A representative of the Somersetshire family formerly held an 
honored place in the government of Canada. 


1. Will of Edward Popham, of Huntworth, [son of Alexander 
and Jane (Stradling)]. Dated 1585, January 21; probated 1586, 
April 27. Makes bequests : to Jane my wife ; to my daughter, 
Sara Court, and my daughter, Elizabeth Forde ; to my brother, John 
Popham, Her Majesty's Atty. Genl. ; to brothers-in-law, Wm. Poole, 
and Henry Vuedale ; to Henry Forde, grandson ; to Edward and 
Thomas Court, sons of John Court; to every god-daughter of mine, 
being the daughters of my brother John Popham and of Richard 
Michell, Esq., decsd ; to each of the following, a jewel with name 
of donor inscribed, — to niece Mary, daughter of brother John, 
to sisters Katherine Poole and Elizabeth Vuedale, to niece Susan 
Michell, to Aunt Katherine Walron. To poor of North Petherton. 
Residue of estate to my son Alexander Popham ; brothers John 
Popham, Wm. Poole, Henry Vuedale to be overseers. 

2. Will of Jane Popham, widow [of above Edward], dated 
1587, January 27 ; probated 1610, June 23. Makes bequests : to 
Edward son and heir; to Alexander my son; to Henry Foorde and 
Edward Courte ; to my daughters Mrs. Sara Courte and Mrs. Eliz- 
abeth Foorde ; to my three younger sous, George, Ferdinando and 
Thomas, if they be at my burial ; to poor of Wells and North 

3. Will of Sir John Popham. Dated 1601, Sept. 21 ; probated 



1608, June 17. " I, Sir John Popham, of Wellington, Co. Somer- 
set, Knt., Chief Justice of Fleas " ; to be buried at Wellington ; 
builds a hospital there ; my beloved wife, my son and heir Sir 
Francis P., and James Clarke, of London, to have control of lands 
in Somerset and Devon ; names lands in London, Gloucester and 
Wilts ; lands in trust for son Francis, to Mr. James Clarke and 
some others. Makes bequests : to Amye my wife ; to daughters 
now living of Sir Francis ; to Sara Popham one of the daughters of 
Ferdinando P., my nephew deed ; to Anrve Mallett the child of 
my daughter ; to my five daughters, Penelope Hannara, Elinor 
Warre, Elizabeth Champernowne, Katherine Rogers and Marie Mal- 
lett ; to John Horner, my daughter Horner's son, to Geo. Rogers 
my godson ; wife and son to be sole executors ; to my sons-in-law 
and to each of my trusty friends and cousins Edward Popham of 
Huntworth, and James Clarke, Esq. ; to Amye Pyne my grandchild 
and her husband ; overseers of will, my good sons-in-law, John Mal- 
lett, Richard Champernowne Knts., Thomas Horner, Edward 
Rogers, Roger Warre, Esqrs., and Edward Popham aforesaid. 

The main facts in his life may be repeated here: Born at Hunt- 
worth, (not Wellington) Somerset Co., about 1531 ; married about 
1560 ; educated at Baliol College, Oxford, where he entered 1547 ; 
reader in law at Middle Temple (1561) 1568, in after years its 
treasurer ; sergeant-at-law, 1571, (1578, Jan. 28) ; member of parlia- 
ment for Bristol, 1571, 1572-83 ; (for Lyme-Regis, 1557-8) ; Solicitor- 
General, 1579, June 26 ; speaker of House of Commons, 1581, Jan. ; 
Attorney-General 1581, June 1; Chief Justice, 1592, June 2; 
Knighted and made Privy-Counsellor, 1592, June ; summoned Essex 
to surrender, and was arrested by him, 1601, Feb.; presided at trial 
of Sir W. Raleigh, 1603; at the trial of Guy Fawkes, 1606; pur- 
chased Littlecote in Wellington, and made it his residence ; com- 


missioned to supply the place of Lord Chancellor in Parliament 
during his absence, 1607, March 30 ; " struck with a mortal disease," 
"died suddenly," 1607, June 10; entombed in Church of John the 
Baptist at Wellington. A very splendid tomb of white marble, 
adorned with carvings and supporting figures and bearing the effigies 
of himself and wife marks the spot. 

Profligacy and scandals, eminence and great honors, were extremes 
united in his life. His rigorous dealing with criminal classes 
made his name a terror, which was infused into the superstitious 
notions of the peasantry. In recent times a great oak was standing 
in Wellington Park wood, which they said •' Lord Popham had been 
a-conjured into." When it was felled, and had turned " top on tail," 
(head over heels) down the ravine side, the people looked^ on in fear 
as one daring man went with ten oxen to drag it out, and expected 
he would be killed. Near the same place is a waterfall into a deep 
hole, regarded as one of the entrances to the underground home of 
the fiends and from which the devil sometimes comes forth. It is 
called Pophanrs Pit. Tradition avers that Sir John riding near, his 
horse fell over the edge and killed his rider, and now his ghost 
haunts the spot. These and similar stories [History of Wellington ; 
English Pronunciation ;] reveal how formidable his very personality 
that he should have left such an abiding impress upon the common 

4. Will 169 of George Popham. Dated 1G07, May 31. Pro- 
bated 1608, December 2. 

"In the name of the Almighty being Father, Son & Holy Ghost 
three parsonnes and one God Eternall I make my will and Testa- 
ment and is that my soule I betake into the handes of my saide 

169. This and the preceding have also been published in the N. E. Hist. 
Genealogical Register for 1800, October, p. 383. 


God and Saviour twenty pounds to my Nephew Edwarde Pophani 
. with me in voyage ffive pounds to Thomas Oxnam my servant all 
the rest unto the above Lettice Maior whom I make my sole execu- 

"In witness whereof I hereunto have subscribed the laste of 

Maie one thousand six hundred and seaven. 

George Popham. 

•' The halfe lyne blotted was myne owne doing." 

It will be inferred that George Popham had no family, perhaps 
was never married. The language of his will does not commend 
his education ; still his letter of the same date (antea, p. 148), 
unless shaped by another hand, is a composition creditable to him, 
which will bear comparison with that of Gorges and* others of that 
time. No claim should be made that an ordinary Englishman 
should be able to write elegant Latin, and the faults of his letter 
to the king should be judged leniently. 

His place in the Popham family invites inquiry. Strachey had 
designated him "kinsman "of the Chief Justice. In the former 
obscurity, writers have regarded him as a brother, sometimes a 
cousin. In the Harleian Mss., as exhibited in the Visitation of 
Somersetshire, George, son of Edward, the brother of Sir John, is 
specially designated "a captaine." The fact makes presumptive 
evidence that he was the Captain George of the Gift of God, and 
President at Sagadahoc. Hence was he nephew of Justice Popham ? 

Other associated facts may well be adduced for their bearing on 
the" matter. First is the fact of his age. Gorges (Brief Narration) 
wrote of him, u that he was well stricken in years before he went, 
and had long been an infirm man," therefore his death at Sagadahoc 
was not surprising. Also (Letters, antea, p. 135) he describes him, 
as " an honest man, but ould, and of an unwildly body." Had 




Gorges been a young man he might have thought of Popham if a 
score or more years older than himself, as an old man ; but writing 
when he personally knew what age was, he would not have regarded 
him as well stricken in years unless it were the literal fact. The 
Council's Relation employs similar language, (antea p. 92,) " found 
that the old Captain Popham was also dead ; " — which can only be 
interpreted to indicate advanced age. We must therefore believe 
that Popham had reached or passed beyond three-score and ten. 
Mr. Baxter has reached the same conclusion, and gives it as an 
opinion not to be gainsaid. (Life and Times of Gorges.) But Mr. 
Brown (Genesis of U. S.) has assigned an approximate year of birth 
1553-5, which would make him only 52 to 54 years of age at death, 
and consequently a man in the prime of active life, and by no means 
old and stricken in years. The opinion therefore that Pres. Popham 
.was near or had passed 70, is fully warranted. Also as an aged and 
retired captain he was holding a government position in the revenue 
service. Hence we find conditions which require the nephew to be 
nearly, perhaps quite, as old as the uncle. If George P. was TO 
years old at death, then his birth was in about 1537. His mother's 
will shows him to be the eldest of her three younger sons, with a 
probability that two sisters were older than he, so that he was the 
second, or perhaps the third or fourth child of his parents. Indeed, 
if the family numbered sixteen, several might have preceded him. 
But at the least estimate his father's birth antedated his own by 
some twenty-five years, or 1512. Hence between Edward and his 
brother Sir John nearly twenty years, perhaps several more, must 
have intervened, and the latter must have been the youngest or 
next youngest child of Alexander of Huntworth. By the same es- 
timates Edward was at least 74 at death, and his wife Jane, if 
twenty at the above estimated date of marriage, would have been 

96 at 


96 at death. These relationships and ages present nothing unrea- 
sonable, and by placing Sir John and Edward at the extremes of the 
probable seven children, it would be possible for George the nephew 
to be nearly as old as his uncle, the Justice. 

The will of Capt. George P. has a bequest to a nephew, Edward. 
The eldest son of his brother Alexander will meet the requirement, 
which aids to verify the matter in question. This Edward went to 
Sagadahoc, and living in 1623 had been a colonel, a magistrate, a 
sheriff. The same person is without doubt intended in the will of 
Justice Popham, in a bequest to " my trusty friends and cosyns 
Edward Popham of Huntworthe and * * *." He was a grand 
nephew of Sir John. His father Alexander, brother to Capt. 
George, had died in 1601, and this eldest son had become Edward 
of Huntworth. The best English authorities say that* in early wills 
for designations of relationships any degree after a brother or sister 
might be styled cousin. 

The evidence, therefore, showing Sir John and President George 
to be uncle and nephew, is quite satisfactory, and is the common 
opinion in England. Still, Rev. Mr. P>rown, in a sketch of the pedi- 
gree, inserted for the death of George, son of Edward, the date 1617. 
If he was accurate, it overturns the above position and shows 
another George. The date is open to suspicion of being a clerical 
error, since elsewhere, for the death of apparently the same George, 
he had written 1607, (Feb., 1608, X. S.). 

A few other items have value in this connection. 

A report dated 1580, July 20, from the commanders of musters 
in Somerset to the council, says : " Have put in readiness 200 
choice soldiers & appointed George Popham a gent, of good parent- 
age forward in service & of honest behaviour to be their Captain, & 
knows to be acceptable to the soldiers." 



The historian Purchas wrote that Capt. George Pophain took a 
voyage to the West Indies, 1594. A person of the same name was 
a captain in Robert Dudley's voyage to Guiana, 1594, Nov., to 1595, 
May. (Brown's Genesis of U. S.) 

Also, in Edwards' Life of Raleigh, is stated, "That a very 
curious Abstract of certain Spaniard's letters concerning Guiana 
and Orenoque, which he [Raleigh] afterwards appended to his own 
Guiana narrative, is based on documents which were captured from 
a Spanish vessel at sea by Capt. George Popkam in 1594." 

The question arises, if there were not two persons bearing this 
name and title in that period in public service, but it can only be 
answered by wide research and careful digestion of materials which 
English sources may supply. An officer engaged in and adapted 
to both military and marine affairs is indicated by the aboTe ex- 
tracts, if the same person appears in them all. The two forms of 
service may have been blended, and this Captain Pophain, at sea at 
that time when so much lighting was done, may have been more a 
naval commander than a master-mariner. Indeed, it may be doubted 
if in the Sagadahoc enterprise, Pophain was a seaman and practical 
navigator so much as a manager of affairs, a leader and commander 
of the colonists, in fact a military officer who should fortify, and 
superintend operations in the seizure of the wilderness. 

5. Will of Edward Popham ; dated February 21st, and pro- 
bated March G, 1G40. "I Ed: Popham of Huntworthy, parish of 
North petherton, Co. Somerset, Esqr." Had assured his lands 
in Huntworthy and Buckland upon trust to Sir Win. Portman 
he being then in possession. His executors, his loving brothers 
Thomas P. and John P. gents, to recover his property ; when recov- 
ered, determines it succession, — first to Brother Thomas P. — and to 
his eldest son, or failing him, to next son, or to Alex. P., of Sherston, 

or to 


or to Thomas P., of same. Mentions sisters, Mrs. Elizabeth Court, 
Jane Newton, Katherine Hunt, — Brother John P., — Brother-in-law 
Roger Warre, — Sara Warre daughter of his sister, who was first wife 
of Roger Warre. 

This person is the Edward P. who went to Sagadahoc, and is 
mentioned in the will of Pres. Popham, and of the Chief Justice. 
He seems to have been the last possessor of the Huntworth manor. 

6. Of Sir Francis Popham, the son of the Chief Justice, no will 
appears, nor has any document or entry to indicate the date of his 
death, come to hand. His father's marriage is assigned to about 
1560. Francis was the only son, but sisters may have been older 
than he, yet his birth before 1570 is probable. He entered parlia- 
ment in 1601, and bequests made in his father's will, show that 
several daughters were living at that date, 1604. 

His father, his son, and grandson, each left a will ; and his own 
property interests were equally extensive, so that the lack of a will 
makes reasonable the supposition of sudden death. 

7. Will of Alexander Popham, [son of Sir Francis] of Little- 
cote ; made Oct. 7, 1669, and probated Dec. 20, 1670. His wife 
Dame Hellena ; his eldest son, Sir Francis P. ; he to be guardian of 
three younger children, Anne, Alexander, George ; eldest daughter, 

Notls. It may bo deemed an omission that the name — Fort St. George — has 
not been noticed. George Williamson (p. 112, antea) certainly failed of his or- 
dinary acumen and care, in the statement that the fort received Pres. Popham's 
christian name. He did not, however, acquaint ns whence came the " Saint," for 
surely Popham had not been thus distinguished. 

The source of the name seeras evident, — St. George — who for centuries had 
been held as the patron saint of England. The legend of his exploits had pre- 
vailed there even before the conquest. 



2 55 

The colony would make this endeavor in the wilderness as if envoking the 
guardianship of the saint whom Englishmen had long venerated. 

In reference to the " two colonies deducted," (p. 226, antea) it may be further 
said, that possibly the true intent and correct interpretation will restrict the 
statement to the colonies of Raleigh according to the literal text. The second 
and "lost colony" of 1587 could be assumed, by the methods and for the ends 
of diplomacy, to be still there existing. Hence the one at Jamestown needs not 
to be brought into the case, and least of all that at Sagadahoc. 




Abagadassett, 00 

Abbott, Rev. J. S. C 63, 110 

Abbott's Lee, 243 

Aberemet, 98 

Abnaki, 61 

Acadia 9 

Achims, Thomas 23 

Agamenticus, 22 

Alexander, Sir Wm 94 

Algernoone Fort, ... 19 

Allen's Island 51, 52, 53, 55, CO 

Amenquin, 82, 89 

America, Annals of 109 

America, Descpt. of New World,. 101 

America, Painted to Life 97 

American Antiquarian Society.. .124 
American Trot. Epis. Church, (Mag.), 


Amsterdam, 95 

Ancient Dominions, 100, 109 

Andrew, EUz'th 240 

Androscoggin, 08, 74 

Annals, — Chalmers, 103 

Anne Royal, 190 

Antilles 2 

Archbishop of Canterbury, viii 



Armouchiquois, 88, 127 

Arrowsic, 82, 175 

Arundel, 155, 156 

Ashton Court 24 

Ashton, Phillips, " 24 

Aspotogeon, : 41 

Assacomoit 104, 105 

Atkins* Bay, 112, 107, 108, 170 

Augusta, 00,74, 81, 174 

Azores. ..6, 15, 27, 30, 37, 55, 193, 195 

Bacon, Francis . 205 

Bacon's Rips, 77 

Baffin, Wm 190 

Bagborough 240 

Baliol College, 24, 248 

Ballard, Rev. Edw 61, 82, 122,123 

Bangs ' Island 09 

Banks, Dr. C. E x, 101. 130 

Bancroft, Hon. Geo.... 4, 8, 12, 51, 07, 

109, 115, 200 

Barbadoes, 207 

Barlee, Capt. John 104 

Barley, Dulcibella 243 

Bartlett, Dorothy 243 

Bartlett, Rev. W. S 74 



Bashaba, 48, 72, 81, 82, 83, 98, 99 

Bath 82 

Bath Times, 173 

Baxter, James P. Esq.,. .viii, x, xi, 20, 
27,91, 132, 157,251 

Baylies, Francis 109, 174 

Bayonne, 241 

Belknap, Rev. J 109 

Bell, Edward 23 

Benedict, Mr. E. C 


Bermuda 189, 208, 210 

Beshipscot, 68 

Best, Capt. Ellis 18,67, 71,93 

Betsabes, 72 

Biard, Pierre,. ..72, 120, 170, 203, 214, 

216, 228, 230 

Biencourt, 126, 228, 229, 230 

Biography of Discoverers, 109 

Bishopscotte, 68 

Blonde Rock 47 

Blome, (or Bloome), Rich'd...l9, 101 

Blount, Joan le 242 

Blunt's Coast Pilot. .41, 44, 47, 48, 70 

Boothbay, Harbor 53, 55, 81 

Bordeaux 160, 101 

Boston, 122, 124, 132 

Bourne, Hon. E. E, 123 

Bowcloin College, x 

Bradford, Win 174, 233 

Brawndf, Capt 61, 190 

Breakwater Light, 70 

Brent, Ilawise 242 

Breton, Cape 6 

Bridgewater 27, 148, 140, 220, 243 

Brief Relation, 90, 201, 213, 215, 225, 

Brief Narration, Gorges'. .83, 97, 145, 

157, 193, 201, 223 

Bristol,.. .19, 24, 93, 142, 220, 243, 248 

British Empire in N. A., 102, 103 

Brixton xi 

Brown, Mr. Alex'r, viii, 149, 150, 157, 

203, 226, 251 

Brown, Rev. Fred'k 240, 252 

Brownists 95, 232 

Brunswick Falls, 74 

Bryant, W. C. & Gay 110 

Bryant, Mr. H. W., . . . x 

Buckland, 253 

Burgess, Rev. Geo 59 

Burke, E 103 

Burke's Dictionary,.. 240, 242, 243,246 

Burnt Island, 51, 52 

Burrage, Rev. H. S. x, 52, 55, 56, 57, 81 
Byndon, ~ 149 

Cabot, John 5 

Cabot, Sebastian 226 

Calendar of Events, 195 

Camache, Alphonse 160 

Camden Mountains, 48, 54, 196 

Campanius, 238 

Cannada 93 

Canary Islands, 158 

Canterbury, Archbishop of viii 

Cape Cod 8 

Cape Ledges, 47 

Cape Light 70 

Cape Sable, 47,49 

Cape Small Point 46, 62 

Carayon, A 72, 126 

Carew, Gome 67, 93 

Carolina, 4,6,227 

Cartier, Jacques 3,207 

Casclton, 244 

Casey, Capt. T. L 125 



Casco Bay 62, 69, 196 

Cathance 06 

Catholic Missions, 78 

Cecil, Sir Rob't. 132, 137, 142, 144, 147, 

1(32, 1G3, 104, 198 
Cecil Papers,. . .134, 136, 139, 141, 144, 


Challons, Henry... .10, 11, 54, 91, 96, 

133, 144, 145, 157, 158, 159, ICO, 102, 

163, 104, 105, 190 

Chalmers, Wm 1C3 

Chainpernowne, Eliz 245, 248 

Champernowne, Rich'd. . . .245, 248 
Champlain, Sam'l. . . 12, 42, 44, 51, 04, 

68, 69, 70 

Charles I and II, 246 

Charlevoix, Pierre F. V. . . 103, 1 19, 202 

Chauvin, 9 

Chesapeake, 10, 150 

Chiboctous, 72 

Child, Sir Josiah 208 

Chops, 60 

Chron. Hist. N. Eng., 102 

Church, Col. Benj 48 

Church of John Baptist 249 

Claudio Perez y Gredilla, vii 

Clarke, Maj. Thomas 109, 175 

Clarke, James.. .. 248 

Clarke, Joan 211 

Clarke, Robt 241 

Clerkenwell, 20 

Coast Pilot 41,44,47,48 

Coast Survey Charts, 41, 57 

Coast Survey Report, 215 

Collections, Me. HistSoc 7, 40, 72, 

114, 115, 170, 171, 175,215 
Collections, Mass. Hist. Soc....40, 90, 

91, 100, 109, 114 

Coligny, Admiral 4 

Colonization of N. Eng., 109 

Colonial Schemes, 58, 122, 208 

Columbus 2 

Compton, 30,220 

Congl. Quarterly, 80, 122 

Cooke, 105 

Cornwall, 11,36 

Corvo, 30, 37 

Cosmographie, 101 

Council for N. Eng., 01, 91, 90, 192» 
194, 201, 213, 215, 223, 224, 225 

Council, Spanish 153 

Council of Virginia, 130 

Courte, John 247 

Courte, Sara 247 

Courte, Edward. -244, 247 

Courte, Elizabeth 253 

Courte, Thomas 247 

Cromwell, 54, 240 

Cross Island 42, 44 

Cuba, 3, 155, 105 

Cumana, 2 

Cumberland, Earl of 189, 190 

Cushnoc, 74, 77, 78, 173, 174 

Dale, Grace 243 

Damariscotta River, 53 

Damerell's Cove, 129 

Damariscove, 175, 233, 235 

Darby, Mary 243 

David, ship, 190 

Davies, James. ..18, 19, 20, 07, 71, 90, . 

93, 189, 193 

Davies, Robt 18, 19, 20, 07, 83, 84, 

93, 130, 189, 219 

Davies, Richard 07 

Davis, John 20, 189, 22G 



Davis, Nevill 158, 162 

Davis, Sylvanus 236 

Dean of St. Paul's, 208 

DeCosta, Rev. B. F., ... . vii, 128, 130 
DeLaet, John. .81, 95, 97, 101, 167, 214 

De Monts, 9 

De La Roche, 207 

Dermer, 226 

Description of Jamaica, 101 

Description of N. England, 53, 90, 128 

Description of New World, 101 

Devonshire, 21, 30, 32, 36, 59, 220 

Digby, 84, 188,220 

District of Maine,. .103, 171, 174, 215, 

236, 23S 

Dover Castle, 84 

Dover Cliffs, 50 

Dominica, 159 

Douglass, Win 102 

Drake, Sir Francis 6, 190 

Drake, Sam'l G 108 

Dreuilletts, Gabriel ... 78 

Dudley, Anne, 245 

Dudley, Elizabeth 245 

Dudley, John 245 

Dudley, Robert 253 

Duke of Medina, 159 

Dutch seamen, 38 

Eastern, R 66 

East Indies, . . ■ 189 

East Indian Co., 190 

Eaton, Cyrus 52 

Bdmondes, Agnes 243 

Edward, I, III, IV, 242, 243 

Edwards' Life of Raleigh, 253 

Elbow Shoal : 47 

Eliot, John 90 

Elizabeth, Queen 21, 104, 246 

Elizabeth, Cape 17,69 

Emannett, 44 

Emetenic, 128 

Encouragement to Colonists, 94 

Erascohegan, .111 

Essex, Earl of 21 

Essex Institute Coll., 30, 124 

Etechemins, 44 

Exeter, 85, 93 

Exon, 142 

Falmouth, 6 

Flores, 17, 36, 37, 40 

Florida .3, 4 

Folsom, Hon. Geo 7. 123 

Forde, Elizabeth .? 247 

Forde, Henry 244,247 

Fort St. George, ix, 22, 88, 96, 101, 108, 
112, 114, 119,150, 174, 177, 180, 185, 
193, 196, 217, 221, 224, 229, 233, 239, 

Fort Fopham, U. S.,.74, 120, 125, 171, 


Freake, Thomas 33 

French Bay, 47 

Frobisher, Martin 5 

Fuller, Thomas 205 

Fundy, Bay of 47 

Games, Amye, Hugh, 244 

Gardiner, Henry 100, 214 

Gay and Bryant's History, 110 

Gates, Sir Thos 190 

General History of New England, 56, 

67,92,93, 197,201,221,222 

Genesis of United States, viii, xi, 149, 

157, 203, 225, 220, 251, 253 



Georges Harbor, 57, 60, 64 

Georges Islands,. 50, 51, 52, 53, 55, 56, 


Georgetown, 106, 107 

Gersea (Gratiosa), 36, 37 

Gifford, Anne 243 

Gift of God,.. 14, 15, 16, 28, 35, 55, 56, 
61,64, 87, 152, 191, 196, 198,218, 
219, 220, 221, 222, 250. 

Gilbert, Alice 30 

Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 5, 6, 13, 19,21, 

29, 30, 36, 104, lfc9, 226, 228, 238 

Gilbert, Sir John. ..30, 85, 91, 94, 100, 

104, 113, 195. 196,212,220 

Gilbert, Raleigh 14, 17, 18, 19, 30, 31, 

32, 35, 38, 39, 52, 53, 55, o(j, 59, 64, 

65, 67, (JS, 76, 78, 79, 80, 81, 84, 85, 

88, 89, 91, 92, 93, 94. 96, 98, 100, 103, 

113, 135, 195. 203, 212, 213, 218, 219, 

221,222,223,224, 237. 

Glamorganshire, 243, 244 

Gloucester 248 

Godfrey, Hon. J. A 72 

Gomez, 189 

Gondomar, 207 

Goodwin, John A. 174 

Goodwin, Samuel 74 

Gorgeana, 23 

Gorges, Ann 23 

Gorges, Edward 20 

Gorges, Sir Ferdinando. .7, 12, 13, 15, 
17, 20, 21. 23. 26, 27, 23, 29. 31, 33, 35, 
56, 83,85, 91, 97, 101. 113, 130, 131, 
132, 131, 136, 137, 139. 142. 144, 145, 
146, M7, i:,7, 158, 160. 1(U, 162, 163, 
164, 165, 190, 191, 192, 193, l'.M, i'.'.",, 
198, 201, 203, 209, 210, 212, 214. 218, 
219, 220, 223, 232, 235, 237, 250,;251 

Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, Letters, 132, 
134, 137, 142, 144, 146, 147 
Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, and his Prov- 
ince of Maine,, .x, 11, 22, 132, 134, 
137, 142, 148, 157, 251 

Gorges, Mary 23 

Gorges, Randolph de 20 

Gorges, Society viii, 101 

Gorges, Tristram 23 

Gosnold, B 7, 36 

Gourges, Dominique de 4 

Goyett, John 38 

Graham, James 109 

Gredilla, Claudio Perez y ix 

Green way 32 

Green Islands, 42 

Greenville, Bernard 33 


Grenville, Richard 6, 237 

Grubb, Gen. E. Burd ix 

Griflith, Wm 35 

Guiana 253 

Guns, 79, 84, 181 

Guy Fawkes 248 

Hakluyt, Richard.. 6, 19, 207, 208, 226 

Hakluyt Society, 114 

Halifax 41,42 

Hampshire, 241 

Ilanham, (Hannam) Thomas.. 11, 12, 

13, 27, 33, 245 

Hanham, Penelope, 11, 248 

Hanson, Rev. J. II 174 

Harleian Mss., 240, 250 

Ilarlie, Edward 90 

Harlow, Edward ..07,93 

Harris' Voyages, ... .2, 5 

Hatteras, 56 

Ilavanna 155 



Haven, S. F 123 

Havre de Grace, 44 

Hawkins, Richard, 33, 189 

Henry V, VI, 241,242 

Henry VII, 226 

Heron Islands, 62 

Hestercoinbe, 245 

Heylin, Peter 101, 214 

Hildreth, Richard 109 

Hill, Hon. Mark L 170, 171 

Hill's Point, 114, 170, 171, 172 

Hine, (Hines, Haines) Nicholas,... 11, 

150, 100, 165 
Histoire de la Nouvelle France,. .103 

Historical Magazine, 82,124 

History of America, 102, 110 

History of Augusta 74, 78, 174 

History of District of Me.,. . 103, 107, 


History of Maine, Abbott G3, 110 

History of Maine, Williamson. ...44, 

110, 108, 170, 215 
History of New England, Neal,....102 
History of New England, Hubbard, 

100, 235 

History of New England, Smith, 67, 

92, 93, 197, 201, 213 

History of Pittston 174 

History of Plymouth, 174 

History of Thomaston, 52 

History of United States, Bancroft, 

3, 4, 109 
History of U. States, Graham,. ... 109 
History of Virginia, Strachey, 77, 114 

Hubson, Capt . . . .90, 226 

Hochelaga 3 

Hockamock Point 82 

Holm, Tb. Campanius 238 

Holmes, Rev. Abiel 109 

Honfleur, 190, 228 

Hopper, Miss F xi 

Horner, Thomas 245, 248 

Horner, Jane 245 

Horner, John 248 

Hore, Mr 5 

Horsecatch Point, 171 

Horseshoe Ledges, 47 

Horsey, Alexandria .242 

Houghton, Miftlin & Co., xi 

Hourques 191 

House of Commons,. 248 

Hubbard, Rev. Wm. 108, 109, 202, 235 

Hugon, Cecilia .242 

Hungerford, Edw'd 33 

Hunnewell, Ambrose 169, 170 

Hunnewell's Point or Neck,. .GQ, 167, 


Hunt, Katherine 254 

Hunt, Capt 232 

Iluntstrete Park, 246 

Hunt worth,. . .242, 243, 241, 247, 248, 

251, 252, 253, 254 

Indians,. .43, 44, 56-60, 68, 71, 72, 77- 
82,88, 96, 103, 107, 108, 113, 120, 
127, 200-204, 210. 

Indian Point, 82 

Indian Wars, Hubbard, 108 

Ipswich, 108 

Ironbound Island, 42, 44 

, James I,. .10, 21, 31, 96, 102, 118, 119, 

140, 153, 105, 237, 246 

James River * 150, 154 

Jamestown,. ... 10, 162, 189, 190, 222, 

227, 228 



Jenks, Rev. \Vm 170,171 

Jenness, J. Scribner 127 

Jesuits 126,201,216 

Jesuit Relations, 17, 110, 202, 233 

John, King 241 

Jones, Rowland 148, 149 

Joselyn, John 20, 36, 68 

Kashurakeny, 89 

Katherine, ship, 190 

Kelly, Elizabeth 32 

Kennebec,. . . 17, 54, 01, OB, 69, 73, 81, 

82, 103, 104, 105, 108, 120, 126, 127, 

129, 168, 169, 170, 172, 173, 200,202, 

. 203, 215, 210, 228, 229, 230, 236 

Kennebec Purchase Go, 172 

Kentisbury, Stephen de 242 

Kidder, F. K 123 

King.sbridge Harbor 36 

Knowles, Isabella 213 

La Heve, 41,42,44 

Lake, Capt. Thomas 169, 

Lambeth Ms., . . viii, 33, 56, 76, 115, 12S, 


Lambeth Palace, vii 

Land's End 36 

Las Casas, Bartholomew 2 

Laudonniere, 4 

Lavardiere, Abbe 54 

Leaman, Mr 67 

Lcgat, Capt. John 165 

Lescarbot, Marc 42, 43, 44 

Lettres Inedits .126 

Lewis, James 170 

Leyborne, Edward W 246 

Ley den 95 

Lioness, ship 189 

Lisbon 11, 190 

Little, Prof. G. T x 

Littlecote, xi, 25, 244, 248, 254 

Little River Falls, 74 

Lizard, 15, 35, 36, 195 

Lloyd, 205,211 

London,, .viii, xi, 5, 20, 53, 84, 87, 90, 
97, 102, 114, 115, 142, 148, 152, 155, 
165, 166, 168, 218, 219, 220, 225, 240 

Lord Delaware, 206 

Love, Capt 141 

Lunenburg, 42 

Lunt and Wiggin, 124 

Ly me-Regis, 248 

Macnab Island, .-•... 42 

Madre de Dios, ship, 190 

Magellan, 189 

Mahone Bay, 42 

Maine viii, 6, 8, 9,23,46, 111, 

145, 146, 150, 151, 167, 186, 190, 213, 

217, 219, 221, 222, 228, 232, 233, 236, 

238, 239. 
Maine Hist. Collections,. . .40, 53, 63, 

72, 74, 77, 83, 84, 98, 114, 115, 170, 

174, 175, 215. 
Maine Hist. Society, ix, x, 27, 46, 98, 
115, 120, 122, 125, 126 

Major, R. II 46, 56, 73 

Maior, Lettice 250 

Mallett, Amye 248 

Mallett, John 33, 245, 248 

Mallett, Marie 245 

Manedo, 1(54 

Marchin 08 

Marr, John 170 

Mary and John, 14, 15, 16, 18, 19, 




35, 50, 55, 61, 62, 63, 72, 83, 87, 152, 

193, 106. 

Massachusetts, 53, 233 

Massachusetts Fist. Collections, 20, 
36, 46, 90, 91, 106, 109, 114 
Massachusetts Hist. Society Proceed- 
ings, vii, 51, 03, 65, 128, 130 

Matinicus 15,48,49,50,51 

Mather, Rev. R'd, 53 

Mathewe, Waltere 141 

Maud, Empress, 241 

Maverick, Sam'l.. . .128, 129, 175, 182, 


Mayor of Plymouth 140 

McKeen, Dr. John 74 

Medina, Duke of 159 

Melendez 4 

Memorial History of Boston 14 

Merry meeting Bay, 68, 73, 103 

Messainott 42, 43 

Metinic Islands, 50, 51 

Middle Temple 24, 248 

Mitchell, Bartholomew 33 

Mitchell, Francis 243 

Mitchell, Richard 247 

Mitchell, Susan 247 

Moassons, 116,118 

Molineux, Richard 30 

Monhegan,. .15, 10, 22, 50, 51, 52, 53, 

54, 50, 88, 90, 93 

Moosehead Lake, 81 

Mount Desert, 46, 190,215 

Hud Islands 47 

Mun joy, George 53 

Muscongus Bay, 53, 54, 87 

Nahanada,...57, 58, 59, 72, 73, 81, 82, 

110,200, 231 

Nanhoc, 89, 203 

Nantasket, 14 

Narvaez, Panphilo, 3 

Nacheen, ship 190 

Neal, History 102 

Neale, Capt. Walter 130 

Neville, David 159 

Newaggen, Cape 03 

New England,. . . .9, 35, 30, 101, 100, 

107, 108, 124, 130, 145 

New England Hist. Gen. Register, 42, 

128, 130, 249 

New England's Vindication 100 

Newfoundland, 5, 36, 40, 136 

New Harbor 57 

New Plymouth, 101, 114, 130, 2*3 

Newport, Christopher 10, 190, 220 

Newton, Jane, 2">l 

Nicuessa, Diego de 2 

Noddle's Island 128 

Norridgewock, 107. 202 

North, Hon. J. W 74, 78, 17 4 

North American Review, 124 

North Petherton, 247, 253 

Northampton, 148 

Norumbega, 93 

Nova Scotia, 9, 16, 18. 4*5, 54 

Novus Orbis, 95, 97 

Nuskoncus, 93 

O'Brien, Rev. M. C. ix, 61 

Ogilby, John 101, 105, 167 

Ojeda, Alanso de 2 

Old Coon, 74 

Oldniixon, John 30, 102 

Onemechin, 68, 69 

Orenoque 253 

Oxnam, Thomas 250 



Palfrey, Hod. J. G 109 

Panama, 2 

Parker's Island,. . . 106, 111, 167, 168, 


Parker, John 169, 174, 175, 1 88 

Parker, Wm 33 

Parkman, Francis 9, 10, 78, 200 

Patterson, J. W 123 

Patteson, Mr 89, 203 

Peak's Island, 69 

Pejepscot, 17, 68, 74, 81 

Pemaquid,. . . 17, 51, 52, 53, 54, 56, 57, 
59,64,69,71,72, 73,81 

Pememen 69 

Penaquida, 93 

Penobscot,. . .17, 44, 46, 48, 55, 72, 73, 


Pentagoet, 55, 72 

Pentecost 49, 53, 54, 55 

Perkins, Mr. Nath'l xi, 172 

Perry, Rev. W. S 123 

PLilip III 151, 152 

Phipsburg, 112, 113, 169, 170, 188 

Pilgrinies, Purchas' 10, 14, 15, 54, 82, 

87, 89, 91, 96, 167, 197, 200, 201 

Pilgrims, of New Plymouth, 174, 190, 


Pilgrim Republic, The 174 

Pioneers of France, 206 

Piscataqua, 130 

Pittston, Hist, of 174 

Planter's Plea 206 

Plastrier, Ca'pt 228 

Plymouth, ...10, 11, 13, 15. 27, 36, 38, 
93, 130, 140, HI, 143, 144, 145, 149, 
152, 153, 156, 158, 162, 166, 195, 196, 

Plymouth Co., 74, 172 


Plymouth Council, 11 

Plymouth Fort, ...106.173 

Plymouth, New 95, 105, 107, 130, 174, 

232, 233 

Point Comfort, — 19 

Point Popham,. . ..ix, x, 170, 171, 172, 
175, 176, 177, 178, 179 

Ponce de Leon, 3 

Poole, Wm. F 123 

Poole, Wm. and Katherine, 247 

Poor, Hon. J. A 121, 125, 126 

Popham Beach, xi, 178 

Popham Celebration 120-125, 170 

Popham Colony, vii, viii, 12, 16, 55, 56, 
105, 109, 111, 122, 124, 129, 131, 170, 
208, 215, 216. 227, 230, 233, 236. 

Popham Controversy, T 110, 120 

Popham Family, xi, 13, 28, 33, 59, 

219, 240, 246 

Popham's Fort,, .xi, 110, 112, 114, 151, 

172, 173, 175, 176, 178, 185,216 

Popham's Pit, 249 

Popham Memorial Vol. ,..14, 19, 59, 
84, 122, 125, 170, 185, 215, 242, 247 

Popham, (Manor,) 24,241 

Popham, Memorial Stone,. . . 125, 186 

Popham, Alexander 243, 244, 245. 

246, 247, 251, 252, 253, 254 

Popham, Amy 245, 248 

Popham, Annie 245, 254 

Popham, Bartholomew 244 

Popham, Dorothy 243 

Popham, Do wreball 244 

Popham, Edward. . 27, 243, 245, 246, 
247, 248, 250. 251, 252, 253, 254 

Popham, Elinor 245 

Popham, Elizabeth 243,244,245 

Popham, Ferdinando. . . 244, 247, 248 



Popham, Frances 245 

Popham, Sir Francis. . .27, 91, 92, 100, 

133, 217, 218, 222, 224. 225, 230, 235, 

245, 240, 248, 254 

Popham, Francis 246 

Popham, George, President. ..9, 14,17, 
27, 31,32, 35,37, 39, 51. 55, 56, 59, 64, 
67, 68, 69, 74, 83, 85, 88, 90, 91, 92, 
93, 96, 98, 99. 100, 101, 103, 105, 106, 
107, 108, 113, 115, 117, 118, 119, 124, 
125, 126, 135, 137, 147, 148, 149, 184, 
187, 193, 195, 197, 201, 212, 213, 219, 
220, 237, 244, 249, 250, 251, 252, 253, 
Popham, Pres. Geo., Latin Letter, 116 

Popham, George 244, 247, 254 

Popham, Gilbert 24, 241,242 

Popham, Hellena 254 

Popham, Hugh 242, 245 

Popham, Ilumphrie 244 

Popham, Jane 244, 245, 251 

Popham, Sir John. ..11, 13, 22, 24, 25, 
26, 28, 32, 67, 87, 90. 91, 93. 94, 96, 
93,99, 100, 101, 101, 113, 120, 130, 

134, 140, 141, 142. 143. 145, 118, 152, 
155, 157, 158, 162, 163, 165, 192, 194, 
196, 199, 205. 208, 209. 210, 212, 214, 
217. 218, 220, 243, 244, 215, 247, 248, 
249,250,251, 252, 251. 

Popham, John. .24, 211, 242, 243, 244, 

245, 246, 253 
Popham. Katherine . . . .243. 244, 245 

Popham, Letitia 254 

Popham, Mary 245 

Popham, Penelope, 245 

Popham, Rachel 244 

Popham, Robert 241 

Popham, Sara 244, 243 

Popham, Stephen 241 

Popham, Thomas. .242, 243, 244, 245, 

247, 253, 2-54 

Popham, William 243 

Porterfield's Cove, 188 

Port Royal, 4,9.228 

Portland, 121, 122 

Portland Light, 56, 69, 70 

Porto Rico, 158 

Portman, William 243,253 

Powell, Dionys 242 

Powderham, 246 

Pratt, Dr. J. F xi 

Prince, Capt. George 46, 52 

Prince, Rev. Thos 102, 174 

Prince Society 132 

Pring, Martin 8, 11, 12, 55, 75, 98, 

145, 190 
Proceedings, Am. Antiq. Society, 124 
Proceedings, Mass. Hist. Society,.. v, 

51, 63, 65, 123, 130 

Purchase, Thos 68 

Purchase, Rev. Samuel 12, 18, 44, 

197, 200, 201, 221, 231 
Purchas, Pilgrimcs,. . . 10, 14, 15, 54, 82 
Pyne, Amye 248 

Race, Cape 36 

Ragged Island 49, 50 

Rale's Dictionary, 61 

Raleigh, Sir W. 5, 6, 7, 14, 19, 21, 59, 

227, 228, 243, 253, 255 

Randolph, John 61 

Rascohegan, 106, 111 

Relation, A True 129 

Relation, The 12, 19, 35, 44 

Relation, Brief,.. 90, 96, 192. 194, 201, 

213, 215, 223, 225, 251 



Relation of Jesuits, 119, 233 

Ribault, John 4 

Richard, ship 10,162 

Richard II 241, 242 

Richmond, 1 73 

Richmond's Island, G9 

Rio Janeiro, 4 

Roanoke Island, 6, 227 

Roberval, J. Francois 3 

Roche, Marquis de la 4 

Rogers, Edw'd 33, 248 

Rogers, George 248 

Rogers, Katherine 248 

Rosier, James, Relation. . . .46, 52, 53, 

55, 56, 57, 81 
Russel, Wm 102 

Sabino,. .x, GG, 167, 168, 175, 177, 186, 

Sable Island and Bank, 4, 15, 40, 41, 46 

Saco, 68, 234 

Sagadahoc,. . vii, 12, 15, 20, 22, 27, 29, 
30, 34, 54, 55, 60, 61, GS, 64, 65,60, 
70, 71 , 73, 70, 83, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 93, 
94,96,101,102, 103, 104, 106, 108, 
113, 114, 115, 117, 119, 121,129, 151, 
167, 174, 186, 193, 195, 196,209.214, 
215, 217. 218, 219, 221, 222, 224, 225, 
229, 233, 234, 236, 250, 202, 253, 251, 
Sagadahoc Colony, . . 25, 93, 95, 98, 109, 
112, 114,121, 164, 167,205,210,227, 
235, 237, 253. 

Salcom, 36 

Salisbury, Karl of.. 134, 140, 147, lis, 


Sambro Light, 41 

Santa Cruz, 30, 37 

Sasanoa, 44,68,69, 81, 82,98 

Sassaconiett, 164, 165 

Sausaye, Capt 190 

Scandinavia, 237 

Seal Islands, 47, 48, 62, 63 

Seamour, Ed ward 33 

Sea Venture, ship, 190 

Sebenoa, 76 

Set'ton, 30 

Seguin, Abbe 61 

Seguin Island,.. 51, 60,01,62,64,223 

Segohquet 48, 230 

Semeamis 69, 70 

Seven Mile Brook 77 

Seville 144, 158, 159, 164, 165 

Sewall, R. K.,Esq 63 

Seymour, Rev. R "... 59, 67 

Shanklin, 246 

Sheepscot,. . 54, 229, 231, 233, 236, 238 

Sherborne, 246 

Sherston 253 

Ship Cove, 69 

Sinieamis, Cape 88 

Simancas, ix, 177 

Skid\varres,...54, 57, 58, 59, 60, 68, 71, 

72, 73, 81,82,98, 110,200 

Sloane Collections, 129 



Small Point 62,69, 104, 105, 113 

Smith, Capt. John... 19, 53, £6, 61, 90, 

92, 95, 102, 190, 192, 195. 197,201, 
' "2W, 213, 221, 222, 226, 230,231,232, 

234, 235, 230, 237. 

Smyth, Hugh 24 

Somers, Sir George 222 

Somerset Co 20, 24, 148, 240, 242, 

243, 244, 247, 248, 250, 252, 253 
Southampton, 241 



Spanish Ambassador,... 151, 152, 166 

207, 220, 225 

Spain, and Spanish Affairs,.. 150, 152, 

153, 154, 159, 161, 165, 226 

Squeb, Capt 14 

Stacy, Mr. J. H xi 

Stage Island, 64, 82, 104, 105, 111, 114 

167, 168, 170 

State Worthies, 205 

St. Augustine, 7 

St. Croix 9, 6S, 215, 228 

St. Donal's Castle, 243 

St. George, river and islands,. . .8, 51, 
52, 53, 55, 57, 58, 60, 196, 203 
St. George's fort, Vide Fort St. 

St. Lawrence, 3,5,9 

St. Malo, 160 

St. Saveur, 215 

Stockholm, 238 

Stoneman, John. .11,54, 157, 158, 159, 

164, 165 
Strachey, Win.. .13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 
19, 33, 40, 45, 46, 47, 48, 50, 53, ol), 
57, 63, 65, 66, 67, 70, 73, 74, 76, 77, 
83, 114, 115, 182, 183, 192, 214, 220, 

Stradling, Edward 243 

Stmdling, Jane 247 

Suffolk 148 

Sugar Loaves, 64, 06 

Sullivan, Hon. James.. .103, 104, 100, 

• ' 107, 171, 172, 202, 215, 236, 238 

Summary of British Settlements, 102 

Sutcliff. Rev. Matthew 33 

Swallow, ship 189 

Swan Island, 73 

Sweden, New, 238 

Tadousac, 9 

Tahanida 118 

Tahannock 203 

Tamescot, 88 

Tancook Islands, . ...42 

Tanto, 96 

Tarratines, .. .44, 82, 89, 203 

Taunton Castle, 240 

Temple, Sir William 54 

Thames vii, 84 

Thornton, J. W. Esq.,. .58, 86, 122,208 

Topsam, Topsome, 85, 147, 193 

Tourain, 241 

Treasurer, ship, 190 

Trivet, Sir John 242 

True Relation, 129 

True Travels, ~ 95 

Tucker, Daniel. .158, 160, 161, 162, 165 
Turner,;Mr 136, 194 

Vanguard, ship, 190 

Vassalboro, 77 

Viilegagnon, Chevalier 4 

Vines, Richard 234 

Virginians, 118 

Virginia,. .11, 40, 84, 86, 87, 89, 93, 94, 
95, 106, 119, 130, 131, 132, 137, 148, 
149, 152, 153, 154, 155, 158, 162, 163, 
166, 190, 206, 208, 210, 214, 220, 227, 
Virginia, the pinnace,. . . 188, 189, 192, 

Visitation of Somersetshire, 240,243, 

244, 250 
Voyages, Champlain's 69 

Walron, Katherine 247 

Warre, Elinor 245, 248 



Wane, Roger 245, 248, 254 

Warre, Sara 254 

Waters, Mr. H. F 128, 129 

Way, George 63 

Waymouch, R 55 

Waymouth, Capt. Geo.. .8, 12. 21, 49, 
52, 53, 54, 55, 57, 74, 145, 158 

Wellington, 24, 244, 248, 249, 254 

Wellington Park, 249 

Wells, 247 

Westerne Planting, 207 

West Indies, 101, 105, 253 

Whiskeag, 00 

White Mountains, 54,55 

Wiggin & Lunt 124 

Williamson, Hon. W. D..44, 110, 113, 

108, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 202,215, 


Willis, Hon. Wm.. . .8, 53, 83, 84, 115 
Wiltshire, 220, 248 



Winslow, Edward 233 

Winsor, Justin, LL. D 110 

Winthrop, Governor 08, 105, 174 

Wooden Ball Island, 49 

Woods, Leonard, D. D 115 

Woodward's Hist. Ser., 108 

Woolwich, 82 

Wraxall, 20 

Wynne's British Empire, 103 

Zetland Shoal 47 

Zuniga, Don Pedro de. .152, 153, 154, 

155, 150, 214, 220 


Page 13, line 14. Read, three sail of ships. 
" 15, " 2. Read, faultily written, and misleading. 
" 24, " 13. Read, Uuntworth for Wellington. 

™- I Read, B. F. DeCosta for DaCosta. 

130, " 

131, " 
109. " 

9. Read, generall. 
1A {• Read, Clarke and Lake, not Luke. 

1(0, 1U. ) 

203, " 21. Read, Mr. Pattern. 

250, " 24. Strike out interrogation point. 

254, " 24. Strike out George. 




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,qQ n